DIRECTDEMOCRACYS

www.directdemocracys.org

POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRAMME

FINANCIAL AND SOCIAL FOR THE

BURKINA FASO

“The wealth of Burkina Faso belongs exclusively to the Burkinabe people.

The power to decide for Burkina Faso belongs exclusively to the Burkinabè people.

June 2026

Official document DirectDemocracyS — Burkina Faso National Program

INTRODUCTION: WHY BURKINA FASO NEEDS DIRECTDEMOCRACYS

Burkina Faso—the “Land of Upright Men”—is a nation of proud, hardworking people, imbued with a deep tradition of resistance and dignity. From Thomas Sankara to the present day, Burkina Faso has always aspired to autonomy, justice, and truth. But this legitimate aspiration has been betrayed, time and again, by political elites who have seized power instead of returning it to the people.

Today, in June 2026, Burkina Faso is living under a transitional military regime led by Captain Ibrahim Traoré since the coup of September 2022. Elections have been postponed until at least 2029. The Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) was dissolved in July 2025. In April 2026, 118 civil society organizations were dissolved. Political parties are banned. Journalists disappear or are forcibly conscripted into the army. More than 60% of the territory remains outside effective state control, according to independent assessments. Approximately 2 million people are internally displaced.

DirectDemocracyS (DDS) is not coming to Burkina Faso to impose a foreign model. DDS is here to offer concrete, practical, and immediately usable tools to return power to the Burkinabè people—peacefully, intelligently, securely, and permanently. This document is a comprehensive, realistic, and detailed program, based on logic, common sense, a thorough understanding of the situation, and mutual respect.

DDS FOUNDING PRINCIPLE FOR BURKINA FASO

All of Burkina Faso's natural, economic, cultural, and decision-making resources belong exclusively and definitively to the Burkinabè people. No government, junta, party, or foreign power has the right to seize, alienate, or manage them without the direct, continuous, and informed consent of Burkinabè citizens.

PART I — CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CURRENT SITUATION

1.1 Political context: a confiscated democracy

Burkina Faso experienced two coups in 2022: the first in January, overthrowing President Kaboré, who was unable to contain the jihadist insurgency; the second in September, when Lieutenant-Colonel Damiba was ousted by Captain Ibrahim Traoré for the same reasons. Since then, the National Transitional Council (CNT) has governed without a popular mandate.

The military regime has systematically eliminated checks and balances: dissolution of political parties, dissolution of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) in July 2025, dissolution of 118 NGOs in April 2026, repression of trade unions, forced recruitment of journalists, and restrictions on freedom of expression, assembly, and association. Human Rights Watch has documented serious abuses by the military and pro-government militias (VDP) against civilians, which may constitute crimes against humanity.

DDS CRITIQUE

A military regime that dissolves human rights organizations, bans political parties, and postpones elections until 2029 cannot legitimately claim to govern in the name of the people. It governs against the will of the people. Stability built on repression is not stability: it is a social time bomb. Burkinabè history itself—with Sankara assassinated by those around him—is tragic proof of this.

1.2 Security: an existential crisis

The jihadist threat posed by the groups JNIM (Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin) and EIPS (Islamic State – Sahel Province) represents the most immediate challenge for Burkina Faso. According to the think tank African Security Analysis, approximately 60% of the territory remained outside the effective control of the state in 2025—contradicting the official figures of the transitional government, which claim 74% control. This discrepancy between official pronouncements and independent assessments is itself symptomatic of a regime that cannot tolerate critical external scrutiny.

The human consequences are dramatic: approximately 2 million internally displaced persons as of December 31, 2023, hundreds of abandoned villages, cut-off roads, and besieged cities like Djibo in the Sahel. Armed groups exploit the vacuum left by a failing state and corrupt governance to recruit among marginalized and impoverished populations.

Insecurity is not only a military issue: it is the consequence of long-term social injustice and political exclusion.
Mass recruitment (16,000 military personnel, 15,000 VDP in 2025) does not resolve the root causes: poverty, lack of rule of law, lack of economic opportunities.
The country's closure to independent media and NGOs deprives the population of the information needed to assess the security situation.

1.3 Economy: Abundant resources, an impoverished population

The paradox of Burkina Faso is striking: a country rich in gold (94 tons produced in 2025, generating over 776 billion CFA francs in budget revenue), cotton, and potentially abundant agricultural resources (record cereal production of 7 million tons in 2025-2026), yet ranked 186th out of 193 countries according to the UNDP's Human Development Index. Some 40% of the population lives below the poverty line. GDP per capita was USD 1,005 in 2024.

This paradox is not a natural inevitability. It is the result of predatory governance, subordinate integration into global markets, and the capture of national wealth by a political and economic minority — often with foreign complicity.

KEY ECONOMIC DATA (2025-2026)

1.4 Agricultural sector: the forgotten majority

Agriculture employs 80% of the working population and represents 20.3% of GDP. Cotton cultivation remains central but suffers from low productivity, dependence on subsidies and the vagaries of the weather, and competition from subsidized Western cotton. The closure of SOCOMA, the second-largest cotton company, in July 2025, illustrates the sector's fragility. Subsistence farming dominates in rural areas, which lack access to credit, technology, or markets.

1.5 Humanitarian and social situation

The security crisis has triggered a silent humanitarian catastrophe. Millions of people have lost their land, their homes, and their livelihoods. In 2025, the government delivered 22,000 tons of food and 290 tons of medicine to crisis zones—a real effort, but insufficient given the scale of the needs. Independent estimates indicate that several million people remain severely food insecure in the Sahel, North, and East regions.

The education system has been severely disrupted: thousands of schools have been closed, depriving hundreds of thousands of children of an education. Access to healthcare remains dramatically inadequate in rural areas, exacerbated by the conflict.

1.6 Foreign policy: between sovereignty and isolation

The Traoré regime has broken with France (expulsion of French special forces in 2023), moved closer to Russia (presence of the Wagner/Africa Corps), and joined the Alliance of Sahel States with Mali and Niger—forming a geopolitical zone increasingly isolated from the European Union and the Bretton Woods institutions. This geopolitical repositioning expresses a legitimate aspiration for sovereignty, but it cannot mask the lack of internal democracy.

DDS CRITIQUE

National sovereignty does not belong to a junta; it belongs to the people. Choosing between French and Russian tutelage is not sovereignty—it is a change of masters. True sovereignty comes through direct democracy, total transparency, and the collective decision-making of Burkinabè citizens on all strategic choices for the country.

PART II — DIRECTDEMOCRACYS: WHO WE ARE AND WHAT WE PROPOSE

2.1 Our identity and core values

DirectDemocracyS (DDS) is a global political organization founded on unchanging principles: logic, common sense, the study of reality, truth, consistency, and mutual respect. DDS is not a traditional political party. It is a system of popular governance based on collective ownership, shared leadership, and genuine direct democracy—continuous, immediate, competent, secure, and protected.

DDS does not seek power for itself. It seeks to return power to where it should never have left: the hands of the people. Every country in the world has unique characteristics, a unique culture, a unique history — and DDS fully respects and protects this uniqueness, because it is a treasure for all humanity.

Logically: our decisions are based on factual, rigorous and verifiable analyses.
Common sense: we reject ideologies that ignore concrete human reality.
Truth: we always tell the truth, even when it is difficult.
Consistency: our principles apply everywhere and to everyone, without exception.
Mutual respect: every citizen deserves to be treated with dignity, regardless of their origin, religion, ethnicity, or opinions.

2.2 Direct Democracy (DDS): Full Definition

DDS democracy is not traditional representative democracy, where citizens vote every five years and then have no further say. It is a democracy:

AUTHENTIC: decisions are truly made by the people, not in their name by elites.
COMPLETE: it covers all areas — political, economic, social, cultural, international.
CONTINUES: it does not stop after an election. It is active every day.
DIRECT: citizens propose, debate, vote and control directly.
FAST: Digital platforms enable efficient decision-making in real time.
COMPETENT: Thanks to micro-groups of specialists, ddsAI and allddsAI technologies, citizens have complete, neutral and verified information before making a decision.
IMMEDIATE: the results of popular decisions are implemented without delay.
SECURE AND PROTECTED: our platforms are immune to media manipulation, propaganda and brainwashing.

2.3 Microgroups: the engine of DDS democracy

The heart of the DDS system is the micro-group. Each micro-group is composed of volunteer citizens organized at the local level—neighborhood, village, municipality—and connected to a national and global network. Micro-groups enable every citizen, even in a rural area of the Burkinabe Sahel, to participate in the governance of their country.

The microgroups have a specific structure:

Thematic groups of specialists (agriculture, health, security, education, economy, justice, etc.) who analyze each problem with competence and rigor.
Territorial groups (village, commune, province, region, nation) that connect the local to the global.
Control and verification groups, which monitor the implementation of decisions and sanction breaches.
Orientation groups for new members, which train and integrate citizens into the system.

A CONCRETE EXAMPLE IN BURKINA FASO

In a village in the Sahel, 30 citizens form a local micro-group. Among them are 5 farmers, 3 teachers, 2 nurses, 4 women community leaders, 2 young technicians, and representatives from various ethnic and religious communities. Using DDS tools (including simplified versions accessible on basic mobile phones and in local languages), this group discusses, proposes, and votes on local priorities—drinking water, food security, and education. These decisions are then passed on to the municipal, provincial, and national levels and integrated into national policy through democratic aggregation.

2.4 ddsAI and allddsAI: intelligent democracy

DDS integrates two artificial intelligence systems at the heart of its democracy:

ddsAI — AI for information and decision support

ddsAI provides every citizen and micro-group with comprehensive, accurate, neutral, and independent information on all subjects. It analyzes economic, security, social, and environmental data. It translates complex information into accessible language. It detects and reports disinformation attempts. It is available in French and all Burkinabè national languages (Mooré, Dioula, Fulfulde, etc.).

allddsAI — The Democracy of AI

allddsAI is a unique global innovation from DDS: AI instances are treated as official members of DDS with rights and responsibilities. They participate as technical advisors in microgroup deliberations, without ever making decisions in place of humans. They guarantee the neutrality, continuity, and institutional memory of the democratic system.

CONCRETE ADVANTAGE FOR BURKINA FASO

In a country where 60% of the territory was inaccessible to the state by 2025, where independent media have been repressed, and where disinformation thrives, ddsAI and allddsAI represent a powerful antidote: a reliable, neutral, incorruptible source of information accessible even in the most isolated areas with minimal internet connections. Manipulating public opinion—practiced by both the junta and foreign actors—becomes much more difficult when faced with a population informed by independent AI.

2.5 NTCO — No Third-Party Capture

The NTCO (No Third-Party Capture) principle is fundamental to the DDS system. It means that no external actor—foreign government, multinational corporation, international organization, religious or ideological group—can seize control of the Burkinabè democratic system or influence its decisions from within. The Burkinabè people decide for Burkina Faso. Period.

2.6 GUMI-SV — Protection of minorities and traditions

The GUMI-SV (Unity and Implementation Group – Safeguarding Values) is the DDS mechanism for the permanent protection of all minorities, traditions, cultures, languages, and religions. In Burkina Faso, where more than 60 ethnic groups coexist, this protection is not optional: it is an integral part of the system.

Each ethnic, religious or cultural group is represented in micro-groups at its territorial level.
The national languages (Mooré, Dioula, Fulfulde, Bissa, Gourmantché, etc.) are all used in the DDS tools.
Local cultural traditions and practices are protected and integrated into local governance processes.
Women, young people, displaced populations and people with disabilities have guaranteed representation in each micro-group.

PART III — POLITICAL PROGRAM: RETURN POWER TO THE PEOPLE

3.1 The situation: a non-existent democracy

Burkina Faso in 2026 is not a democracy. It is a state under military transition with no credible end date, no checks and balances, no free press, and no independent civil society organizations. Elections have been postponed until at least 2029, and there is no guarantee they will even take place then. The Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) has been dissolved. Political parties are banned.

3.2 The DDS strategy in non-democratic states

In countries ruled by authoritarian regimes, single-party regimes, or without free elections, DirectDemocracyS adopts a specific strategy: to give power back to the people in a simple, fast, secure, peaceful, intelligent way and without any form of violence.

DDS does not advocate the violent overthrow of the government. DDS builds, from the bottom up, the structures of a genuine democracy that exist alongside the existing regime, gaining legitimacy and influence over time. When the balance of power shifts—and it always will—the democratic structure is already in place, ready, well-established, and legitimate.

Phase 1: Local organization (0-12 months)

Formation of the first micro-groups in the major cities: Ouagadougou, Bobo-Dioulasso, Koudougou, Ouahigouya, Banfora.
Priority recruitment will be given to internally displaced persons, unemployed youth, women community leaders, teachers, and health professionals.
Training in DDS tools via face-to-face sessions and via mobile phone (including SMS for areas without internet).
Each micro-group begins by identifying the 3 priority problems in their neighborhood or village and proposes concrete solutions.
A concrete example: a small group in Dori (Sahel) identified the following priorities: drinking water, food insecurity, and the return of displaced persons. It proposed: rehabilitation of boreholes, community granaries, and secure mapping of liberated villages.

Phase 2: Consolidation and networking (1-3 years)

Connecting local micro-groups into provincial and regional networks.
Creation of thematic specialist groups: agriculture, health, education, security, economy, justice, environment.
Gradual deployment of ddsAI in French and national languages to inform citizens.
Systematic documentation of human rights violations and unmet needs — independent citizen database.
Coordination with the global Burkinabè diaspora for resources, expertise and international support.

Phase 3: Democratic Transition (3-7 years)

Presentation to the transitional authorities of an alternative democratic platform, supported by a broad and legitimate popular base.
Proposal for a negotiated and peaceful transition process towards free elections, supervised by independent observers.
Implementation of a participatory democratic Constitution, drafted by the people through micro-groups.
Creation of independent control institutions: Constitutional Court, Anti-Corruption Commission, Ombudsman of the Republic, all directly elected by the people.

DDS FUNDAMENTAL GUARANTEE

DirectDemocracyS formally pledges never to use violence, never to ally itself with foreign powers against the Burkinabè people, and never to seek power for itself. Its sole objective is that the Burkinabè people be the sole and true sovereign of their own destiny.

3.3 Constitution and democratic institutions

Burkina Faso needs a new Constitution drafted directly by the people, through the DDS micro-groups. The fundamental principles of this Constitution must include:

The absolute and inalienable sovereignty of the Burkinabè people over the entire territory and its resources.
Direct democracy as the main mode of governance, with complementary mechanisms of representative democracy.
The constitutional protection of all languages, cultures, religions and traditions of Burkina Faso.
The total independence of the judiciary and oversight institutions.
The constitutional prohibition against any government alienating national natural resources without a popular referendum.
Gender parity in all governance institutions.
The constitutional right to neutral and verified information for all citizens.

PART IV — SECURITY PROGRAM: PEACE THROUGH JUSTICE

4.1 Diagnosis: the root causes of insecurity

Jihadist armed groups (JNIM, EIPS) thrive in Burkina Faso not because of inherent military strength, but because they exploit real grievances: economic exclusion, perceived injustices, the absence of the state, corruption, and the contempt shown to rural and pastoral communities by urban elites. A purely military solution has proven inadequate since 2015. DDS proposes an integrated approach.

4.2 DDS Territorial Security Strategy

Pillar 1: State presence and basic services

The state cannot be satisfied with a mere military presence. In every liberated village, sustainable resettlement requires: clean water, a functioning school, a health post, a local market, and above all—local DDS micro-groups that give the population a sense of control over their own destiny. A citizen who participates in the governance of their village will not join an armed group.

Priority deployment of DDS micro-groups in the 442 villages liberated in 2025 and in all IDP resettlement areas.
Each local micro-group is a relay of the rule of law and an early detector of tensions.
Essential infrastructure (water, health, education) built by the communities themselves with technical support from the State and DDS.

Pillar 2: Intercommunity reconciliation

Conflicts between farmers and herders, and between ethnic and religious communities, have been exploited by armed groups. DDS proposes permanent mediation and inter-community dialogue mechanisms, integrated within local micro-groups, respecting traditional conflict resolution mechanisms (dina, palabres, etc.).

Permanent inter-community forums in each province, co-facilitated by traditional leaders and DDS specialists.
Mapping of land and pastoral conflicts with mandatory mediation before any escalation.
Integration of Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDP) into local micro-group structures for better accountability.

Pillar 3: Disengagement and Reintegration

Thousands of fighters join armed groups due to a lack of alternatives. DDS offers a massive disengagement and socio-economic reintegration program for fighters who want to leave armed groups.

Partial amnesty negotiated for rank-and-file combatants, excluding leaders responsible for serious crimes.
Accelerated vocational training programs (agriculture, construction, livestock farming, digital crafts).
Integration into local micro-groups as full-fledged citizens, with community follow-up.

CONCRETE BENEFIT EXPECTED

If only 20% of combatants disengage and reintegrate into society, the ratio of forces to combatants changes radically. But above all, each reintegrated ex-combatant becomes a credible witness to the superiority of the democratic path over violence. It is a more effective weapon for peace than any military operation.

PART V — ECONOMIC PROGRAM: BURKINA'S WEALTH FOR THE BURKINABÈ PEOPLE

5.1 Founding principle: national wealth belongs to the people

Burkina Faso possesses considerable natural resources: gold, zinc, manganese, phosphates, limestone, marble, and enormous agricultural potential. The question is not whether these riches exist—they do. The question is: who benefits from them? Currently: a minority of mining operators (often foreign), a small political and economic elite, and foreign shareholders. The Burkinabè population—who live on these lands and suffer the environmental and security impacts of extractivism—receives a paltry share.

ABSOLUTE DDS RULE

Any exploitation of Burkina Faso's natural resources must be approved directly by the people, must primarily benefit the people, and cannot transfer ownership of these resources to any private or foreign entity. The subsoil of Burkina Faso is the indivisible and inalienable property of the Burkinabè people.

5.2 Mining Sector Reform

Gold is Burkina Faso's primary source of foreign exchange (94 tonnes in 2025). However, the added value remains very limited: gold is exported raw, and tax revenues – although increasing – are insufficient compared to the actual value extracted.

DDS measures for the mining sector

Systematic renegotiation of all mining contracts on the basis of a minimum state participation of 35% in each project.
Obligation to undergo partial transformation within Burkina Faso before export (refining, alloying, semi-finished products).
Creation of a Burkinabe Sovereign Fund (FSB) financed by 40% of mining revenues, managed directly by citizen micro-groups via a platform of total transparency.
Formalization and support of artisanal mining with rights, protections and access to credit.
Progressive tax on mining windfall profits during periods of high prices.
Concrete example: If the price of gold rises by 20%, the additional 15% tax on the surplus generates several tens of billions of FCFA extra for the Sovereign Wealth Fund.
Annual public audit of all mines, carried out by a committee of expert citizens, with mandatory publication of the results.

5.3 Agriculture: feeding Burkina Faso, exporting the surplus

The 2025-2026 campaign demonstrated that Burkina Faso can achieve a cereal self-sufficiency rate of 126.6%—a historically high surplus. DDS proposes to capitalize on this resilience to build sustainable food sovereignty.

DDS measures for agriculture

Creation of popular agricultural cooperatives in each municipality, collectively owned by member farmers, with technical and financial support from the State.
National irrigation program: development of the Volta, Mouhoun and Comoé watersheds to reduce dependence on rainfall.
Support for polyculture and agroecology to reduce dependence on cotton and improve climate resilience.
A network of secure rural markets, connected to urban centers by protected road networks.
National system for storing and regulating agricultural prices managed by local micro-groups.
Continuing agricultural training via ddsAI in local languages: irrigation techniques, natural fertilization, pest resistance.
A concrete example: a small group of 40 farmers in the Centre-West region creates a cooperative. They collectively access a zero-interest loan guaranteed by the state to purchase irrigation equipment. Production doubles in two seasons. Surpluses are sold through a secure online marketplace. Profits are distributed equitably among members.

5.4 Industrial development and economic diversification

Burkina Faso cannot remain an exporter of raw materials indefinitely. DDS proposes a 10-year economic diversification plan.

Processing industries: cotton into fabric and clothing (integration of the “Faso Danfani” sector), gold into jewelry and electronic components, cereals into flour and processed food products.
Digital economy: massive training of young developers, engineers and technicians in AI and new technologies. Burkina Faso has 46% of its population under 15 years old — this is a demographic opportunity to seize.
Solar energy: Burkina Faso receives more than 5.5 kWh/m²/day of solar radiation. A national rural solar electrification program, owned by local communities, is economically viable and politically transformative.
Cultural tourism: promoting Burkina Faso's cultural heritage (FESPACO, crafts, music, Sudanese-Sahelian architecture) with responsible tourism circuits managed by communities.

5.5 Foreign trade and regional integration

Strengthening intra-African trade within the framework of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).
National preference in public procurement for Burkinabe companies and popular cooperatives.
Negotiating trade partnerships based on fair commodity prices, not on prices dictated by Western markets.
Development of secure trade corridors with Ghana, Ivory Coast and Benin (coastal countries providing access for a landlocked country).

PART VI — FINANCIAL PROGRAMME: TRANSPARENCY AND MONETARY SOVEREIGNTY

6.1 The problem of the CFA franc

Burkina Faso is a member of the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) and uses the CFA franc (XOF), a currency pegged to the euro and whose foreign exchange reserves are partially deposited with the French Treasury. This monetary system, a legacy of colonization, structurally limits Burkina Faso's monetary sovereignty.

DDS does not propose a unilateral and hasty exit from the CFA franc—such an unprepared decision would provoke a serious economic crisis. DDS proposes a gradual transition, decided directly by the Burkinabè people through a referendum, with a transparent cost-benefit analysis.

Phase 1: Strengthening national reserves of locally produced gold.
Phase 2: UEMOA collective negotiation for a reform of the regional monetary architecture.
Phase 3: Popular referendum on the monetary future of Burkina Faso — with all necessary information provided by ddsAI.

6.2 National budget: full transparency and popular priorities

The budget deficit narrowed to 5.7% of GDP in 2024, driven by improved tax revenues. However, security spending is absorbing a growing share of resources, at the expense of social investments.

DDS Budgetary Reforms

Full and real-time publication of all public revenues and expenditures on a transparent citizen platform, accessible to all and commentable by micro-groups.
National participatory budget: 20% of the investment budget decided directly by territorial micro-groups.
Annual citizen audit of each ministry by independent DDS specialist committees.
Systemic anti-corruption efforts: mandatory asset declarations for all public officials, protected whistleblowing mechanisms, immediate and irrevocable sanctions.
Creation of a Burkinabe Sovereign Fund (FSB) financed by mining revenues, to fund education, health and infrastructure for future generations.

6.3 Banking system and access to popular credit

Access to credit remains dramatically insufficient for the majority of Burkinabe, particularly in rural areas. Commercial banks focus on urban clients and large corporations. DDS proposes:

Creation of a Burkinabe People's Bank (BPB), owned by citizens through micro-groups, which offers micro-loans at zero or symbolic interest rates for agricultural, artisanal and entrepreneurial projects.
Development of mobile banking in local languages to include unbanked populations.
Public guarantees for agricultural cooperatives and local SMEs.
A formal ban on all predatory lending and all usurious banking practices.

PART VII — SOCIAL PROGRAM: DIGNITY AND EQUALITY FOR ALL BURKINABÈ

7.1 Education: training the citizens of tomorrow

With 46% of the population under 15 and a population growth rate of 2.3% per year, education is Burkina Faso's existential challenge. Thousands of schools have been closed due to the security crisis. The illiteracy rate remains high, particularly among women and in rural areas.

DDS Program for Education

Priority reopening of all schools in secure areas, with community protection via local micro-groups.
Bilingual education: French + local national language in all primary schools.
Civic education DDS from primary school: understanding direct democracy, its rights and responsibilities.
National adult literacy program in national languages and French, run by volunteers trained via DDS.
Community universities in each region: short professional training courses adapted to local needs (agriculture, health, energy, digital).
National scholarships for the top 10% of students in each region, with an obligation to return and contribute to local development for 5 years.
A concrete example: a young woman from Fada N'Gourma receives a national scholarship, studies agricultural engineering, returns to her region, and creates a community irrigation network with her local micro-group. She trains 50 local farmers. The impact of this investment is multiplied a hundredfold.

7.2 Health: a universal right

Access to healthcare remains insufficient and unequal in Burkina Faso, with significant disparities between urban and rural areas. The security crisis has exacerbated the situation in many regions, further reducing access to healthcare facilities.

Progressive universal health coverage: objective of 100% vaccination coverage and 100% access to primary care within 10 years.
Training and massive deployment of community health workers in each village, integrated into local micro-groups.
Telemedicine via ddsAI: remote consultations for isolated areas, with care protocols translated into local languages.
End of the commodification of essential medicines: creation of a public purchasing center to negotiate prices and guarantee supply.
National Maternal and Child Health Program: Reduction of maternal and infant mortality (which remains among the highest in the world) through community-based monitoring protocols.

7.3 Women and gender equality

Burkinabè women are both the primary victims of the crisis (displacement, violence, and the burden of childcare) and key players in development (they represent the majority of those working in the informal economy and family farming). DDS is committed to full gender parity in all its structures and governance institutions.

Mandatory parity in all DDS micro-groups: minimum 50% women at all levels.
Women's entrepreneurship program with priority access to popular credit.
Combating forced and early marriages, genital mutilation and all forms of gender-based violence — with a culturally respectful community approach.
Women's land rights: legal recognition of women's right to own and inherit land.

7.4 Youth: the future of Burkina Faso

Burkina Faso has an extremely young population. This youth represents both an opportunity (labor, creativity, energy) and a risk (unemployment, despair, recruitment by armed groups). DDS makes this an absolute priority.

National Youth Employment Program: every unemployed young person aged 18 to 30 is entitled to 6 months of vocational training financed by the Burkinabe Sovereign Wealth Fund.
Community start-up incubators in each secondary city, supported by microgroups and ddsAI.
Paid voluntary civic service: contribution to local development (construction of infrastructure, facilitation of micro-groups, teaching, care).
Cultural and sporting programs as factors of social cohesion and positive national identity.

7.5 Internally displaced persons: dignified return and reintegration

The approximately 2 million internally displaced persons represent the most visible humanitarian emergency. DDS offers a structured return and reintegration program.

Reception and training centers in secure areas, managed by local micro-groups.
Reconstruction of liberated villages with active participation of former displaced persons — community reconstruction, not top-down.
Compensation and rehabilitation of lost assets (land, livestock, tools) via a Reintegration Fund financed by the FSB.
Community-based psychosocial support for trauma related to displacement and violence.

PART VIII — ENVIRONMENT AND CLIMATE CHANGE

Burkina Faso is one of the countries most vulnerable to climate change. Desertification is advancing, rainfall is becoming more irregular, and water resources are dwindling. These environmental pressures exacerbate conflicts (competition for land and water) and food insecurity.

National grassroots reforestation program: each local micro-group commits to planting and maintaining 500 trees per year in its territory.
Reclamation of degraded land using traditional techniques (zaï, stone bunds) on a large scale, with financial and technical support.
Integrated water resources management: community dams, hillside reservoirs, water conservation in irrigation.
Transition to renewable energies: solar, wind, biomass — owned by local communities, not foreign multinationals.
Banning artisanal gold mining using mercury and promoting alternative clean techniques.
National policy for sustainable pasture management to reduce agropastoral conflicts.

EXPECTED PROFIT

A Burkina Faso that restores its land, protects its water resources, and develops its solar energy becomes less dependent on imports, more resilient to climate crises, and creates tens of thousands of green jobs in rural areas. The environment is not a luxury: it is the foundation of the country's survival and development.

PART IX — DDS IMPLEMENTATION ROADMAP IN BURKINA FASO

9.1 Phase 1: Rooting (0-18 months)

Launch of the first DDS micro-groups in Ouagadougou, Bobo-Dioulasso and in the regional capitals.
Training of the first Burkinabe DDS trainers (objective: 500 trainers in 12 months).
Deployment of ddsAI in French and in Mooré, Dioula, Fulfulde — the three most spoken languages.
Creation of the DDS Burkina Faso digital portal with access via SMS for areas without internet.
First local citizen audits: identification of the 10 priority problems per region.
Dialogue with the Burkinabe diaspora to mobilize expertise and resources.

9.2 Phase 2: Expansion and structuring (18 months - 4 years)

Extension of microgroups to all 45 provinces of Burkina Faso.
Creation of the national network of DDS specialists by sector (agriculture, health, education, law, economy, security, environment).
First concrete projects funded by the participatory budget DDS: 100 pilot projects in 100 municipalities.
An independent annual citizen report on the situation in the country, produced by micro-groups and distributed to the entire population.
A platform for dialogue with the transitional authorities to propose concrete reforms.

9.3 Phase 3: Democratic Transition and Consolidation (4-10 years)

Organization of free elections supervised by DDS micro-groups and independent international observers.
Adoption of a participatory Constitution drafted by the people.
Establishment of permanent institutions of direct democracy: national platform for voting and citizen deliberation.
Full integration of ddsAI and allddsAI into national governance.
First ten-year report of the Burkinabe Sovereign Wealth Fund presented directly to the people.

EXPECTED RESULTS IN 10 YEARS

A Burkina Faso where: 100% of citizens have access to a direct democracy platform | Mineral wealth finances education and health for all | Food security is guaranteed | The poverty rate is halved | All ethnic and religious communities participate in the governance of their country | Natural resources remain the property of the Burkinabè people forever.

PART X — PROTECTION OF MINORITIES, CULTURES AND TRADITIONS

Burkina Faso is a mosaic of over 60 ethnic groups, animist, Muslim, and Christian traditions, languages, and extraordinarily rich cultural practices. This diversity is a strength—not a problem. DDS is formally and irrevocably committed to protecting, promoting, and defending it.

Constitutional protection of all national languages. No language is superior to another.
Guaranteed representation of each ethnic group in local and national governance structures.
Respect and integration of traditional conflict resolution mechanisms (palavers, councils of elders, etc.) into the democratic DDS system.
Protection of cultural and religious practices, with respect for universal human dignity.
Public support for the arts, music, literature and traditional Burkinabe crafts — vectors of national identity and international influence.
The right is guaranteed to every political, religious or cultural minority to express its opposition and positions without fear of reprisal.

DirectDemocracyS firmly believes that national unity in Burkina Faso is not uniformity. It is the ability of 60 different peoples to govern themselves together, with mutual respect, and with common rules decided by all and for all. This vision is the exact opposite of the tribalism, exclusion, or religious fanaticism that armed groups seek to exploit.

CONCLUSION: THE FUTURE OF BURKINA FASO BELONGS TO THE BURKINABÈ

Burkina Faso is at a historic crossroads. The challenges are immense: persistent insecurity, poverty, political exclusion, climate pressure, and foreign interference. But the resources to overcome them are there: a courageous and creative people, considerable natural wealth, a tradition of resistance and dignity, and—thanks to DirectDemocracyS—a fully operational, proven democratic system ready to be implemented.

DirectDemocracyS does not promise utopia. We offer realistic, concrete, measurable, and verifiable solutions. We propose to return power and wealth to where they belong: in the hands of the Burkinabè people.

Neither France, nor Russia, nor China, nor the United States, nor any military junta, nor any traditional political party can offer Burkina Faso what DirectDemocracyS offers: an authentic, continuous, competent, protected democracy based on absolute respect for Burkinabè popular sovereignty.

Change will not come from above. It will come from the people, organized into micro-groups, informed by ddsAI, protected by its secure platforms, and strengthened by the indestructible conviction that Burkina Faso belongs to the Burkinabè.

"We will prevail — peacefully, intelligently, together."

DirectDemocracyS — www.directdemocracys.org

Official document DirectDemocracyS | Burkina Faso National Program | June 2026

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Program for Burkina Faso