Program for Russia

DIRECTDEMOCRACYS

Global political organization

POLITICAL PROGRAM

FOR THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

Comprehensive analysis, criticism and concrete solutions

Based on the principles of direct democracy, collective governance,

logic, common sense, reality and mutual respect

2025 — Compiled by DirectDemocracyS

www.directdemocracys.org

FOREWORD: OUR APPEAL TO THE RUSSIAN PEOPLE

This program is not addressed to the Russian government in its current form—it is addressed to the Russian people. We, DirectDemocracyS (DDS)—a global political organization founded on the principles of direct democracy, collective leadership, common ownership, and mutual respect—care about the fate of all peoples of the world, including the Russian people.

Russia is a great country with a rich culture, history, and human potential. That's why what's happening today is deeply concerning: a country with vast natural resources and a talented population is governed by a system that has deprived its citizens of real political power, concentrated national wealth in the hands of a tiny number of people, and plunged the region into a devastating military conflict.

We condemn Putin's oligarchic dictatorship—not out of hostility toward Russia per se, but out of respect for the Russian people's right to a dignified, free, and prosperous life. At the same time, we strictly adhere to the principle we apply in all countries of the world: Russia's wealth and the right to decide Russia's fate must belong exclusively to the Russian people—and to no one else.

FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLE OF THE DDS: In every country in the world, natural resources, national wealth, and political power belong exclusively to the people of that country. No elite, oligarchy, foreign power, or transnational entity has the right to appropriate what belongs to all citizens.

The proposed program is realistic, detailed, and concrete. It is based on logic, common sense, the study of real data, and respect for the dignity of every person. We do not offer utopias—we offer functional solutions.

PART I: CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE REAL SITUATION IN MODERN RUSSIA

1.1 Political system: dictatorship under the guise of democracy

Formally, Russia is a presidential federal republic with a constitution, parliament, and elections. In reality, the country is a personalist authoritarian system, in which all key decisions are concentrated in the hands of one person and their inner circle.

The main manifestations of authoritarian degradation:

Elections without real competition: opposition candidates are systematically disqualified under pretexts deemed trumped-up by international observers. Alexei Navalny is only the most high-profile example in a long line of political persecution.
Control over the media: the largest federal television channels and most newspapers are under direct state control or owned by individuals personally loyal to Putin. Independent journalists are subject to pressure, criminal prosecution, and physical elimination.
The destruction of civil society: laws on "foreign agents" and "undesirable organizations" have effectively eliminated independent NGOs, human rights organizations, and civic associations.
Constitutional manipulation: The 2020 amendments, approved in a referendum with gross violations, reset Putin's presidential term limit and cemented his sole power until 2036.
Judicial capture: the courts are effectively deprived of independence. The acquittal rate in criminal cases is less than 0.5%—one of the lowest in the world, demonstrating the systemic dependence of judges on the executive branch.
Repression of dissent: since the start of the military invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 alone, more than 16,000 people have been detained for their anti-war stance. Many face prison sentences of up to 15 years for "discrediting the army."

The bottom line: Russian citizens are deprived of genuine political sovereignty. Power does not originate from the people and does not serve the people—it serves the interests of a narrow elite.

1.2. Economic system: rentier economy in the service of the oligarchy

The Russian economy is structurally deformed: it is overly dependent on hydrocarbon exports (oil and gas provide approximately 40-50% of federal budget revenues during years of high prices) and is concentrated in the hands of an extremely narrow group of owners.

Key economic diagnoses:

Extreme wealth concentration: According to research organizations, the richest 1% of Russians control approximately 58% of the country's total national wealth. Russia ranks among the world's most unequal major economies.
Deindustrialization and a lag in diversification: despite declarations of economic diversification over the past twenty years, the share of manufacturing in GDP has been declining, and non-resource exports have never become significant.
Chronic capital outflow: between 2000 and 2023, several trillion dollars were taken out of Russia. A significant portion ended up in foreign accounts and real estate in London, Dubai, Monaco, and Cyprus.
Technological dependence: Under the influence of sanctions and its own underdeveloped high-tech sector, Russia has become critically dependent on imported semiconductors, industrial equipment, and software.
Military economy: after 2022, a significant share of industry was reoriented towards the military-industrial complex, which leads to structural deformations, inflation, and the displacement of civilian investment.
Corruption as a system-forming element: according to Transparency International, Russia consistently ranks near the bottom of the Corruption Perceptions Index (134th out of 180 in 2023). Corruption is not a pathology of the system—it is its norm.

Economic indicator	The real situation
GDP per capita (2023)	~12,000 USD — below Poland, Estonia, Lithuania
Share of oil/gas in exports	About 60% of all merchandise exports
Inflation (2024)	8-9% per annum; food - higher
Key rate of the Central Bank (2024)	16-19% is a sign of structural problems
Capital outflow (2022)	More than 250 billion USD in one year
Gini index (inequality)	~36 officially; in reality, significantly higher

1.3. Social sphere: the collapse of the social contract

The Soviet system guaranteed citizens a minimal but effective social package: free education, healthcare, housing, and employment. Post-Soviet Russia inherited this infrastructure but gradually degraded it, failing to create either an effective social services market or a new social contract.

Critical social issues:

Demographic crisis: since 1992, the death rate in Russia has consistently exceeded the birth rate. The average life expectancy for men is approximately 67 years, which is approximately 12-15 years lower than the European average. The 2022-2024 war further exacerbated these demographic losses.
Deterioration of healthcare: The "optimization" of the healthcare system in the 2010s led to the closure of thousands of hospitals and clinics, primarily in rural areas. The actual availability of quality medical care has become significantly more volatile based on regional and wealth factors.
Educational stagnation: the education system formally maintains a broad coverage, but quality is rapidly diversifying: elite schools and universities for wealthy families versus declining mass schools.
Brain drain: It is estimated that in 2022 alone, between 500,000 and 800,000 of Russia's most educated and professionally active citizens—IT specialists, scientists, doctors, and entrepreneurs—left Russia.
Poverty and social vulnerability: Officially, approximately 10-12% of the population lives below the poverty line. The actual figures, taking into account hidden poverty in the regions, are significantly higher. The 2018 pension reform, which raised the retirement age contrary to Putin's promises, undermined the trust of a significant portion of the population.
Regional inequality: the gap between Moscow and most regions is colossal. Siberia, the Far East, and the North Caucasus are areas chronically underinvested.

1.4. War in Ukraine: a crime against two peoples

The invasion of Ukraine, which began in February 2022, is a flagrant violation of international law, the UN Charter, and basic human morality. We condemn it unequivocally—not out of hostility toward Russia or the Russian people, but out of respect for them.

The war caused catastrophic damage to both countries:

Ukraine: tens of thousands of civilians killed, more than 10 million displaced, hundreds of billions of dollars in destroyed cities, infrastructure, and the economy.
Russia: tens of thousands of dead and wounded soldiers (the actual figures significantly exceed the official ones), economic sanctions, international isolation, degradation of the civilian economy, the destruction of a generation of young men.
Region: destabilization of European and global security, threat of nuclear escalation, undermining of the system of international relations that emerged after 1945.

OUR POSITION: DirectDemocracyS condemns the invasion of Ukraine as illegal, immoral, and destructive to the Russian people themselves. We simultaneously condemn Putin's oligarchic dictatorship and reject any attempts by external powers to establish control over Russia or its resources. Russia must be sovereign—but its sovereignty must belong to the people, not to a kleptocracy.

PART II: AN IMMEDIATE END TO THE WAR IS OUR PEACE PROGRAM

2.1. Principles of peaceful settlement

DirectDemocracyS is convinced that any sustainable peace settlement must be based on dialogue, recognition of the real interests of all parties, and unconditional respect for the sovereignty of both Ukrainian and Russian peoples. A military victory by one side without a political settlement will not end the conflict, but only freeze it.

Immediate steps (first 30 days):

Russia's announcement of a unilateral unconditional ceasefire along the entire line of contact is the first concrete signal of its readiness for dialogue.
Creation of an international negotiation mechanism with the participation of Russia, Ukraine, the UN, the European Union and neutral countries (Switzerland, Türkiye, India) as mediators.
Release of all prisoners of war and civilians illegally held by both sides, under the supervision of the ICRC.
Russian airstrikes against civilian infrastructure in Ukraine must cease immediately and unconditionally.
Russia's recognition of the damage caused and its fundamental commitment to participate in compensation.

Medium-term peace plan (3-18 months):

Negotiations on territorial status under the auspices of the UN with the participation of the population of the disputed territories, holding internationally supervised referendums in conditions of complete freedom of expression - without a military presence and pressure.
The creation of a joint Russian-Ukrainian Recovery Fund with international participation, financed, in part, by frozen Russian state assets abroad.
Signing of a non-aggression treaty, mutual recognition of sovereignty and neutral status of buffer zones, modeled on the Austrian neutrality of 1955.
The gradual lifting of sanctions, depending on concrete and verifiable implementation of peace agreements, is no faster or slower than actual compliance with obligations allows.

Long-term architecture of the world (18 months – 5 years):

A new collective security treaty in Europe, replacing outdated structures: creating an inclusive architecture in which Russia occupies the place of an equal participant, not a pariah state.
Joint economic projects to restore Ukraine with the participation of Russian companies serve as a mechanism for reconciliation and mutual interest in peace.
"Public diplomacy" programs: cultural exchanges, joint scientific projects, and city twinning as tools for long-term restoration of relations between peoples.

KEY CONVICTION: Peace does not mean Ukraine's capitulation, nor does it mean Russia's humiliation. Peace means that two peoples—Russian and Ukrainian—reclaim the right to determine their own future independently, without the dictates of elites on either side. Neither NATO nor Putin should make this decision for them.

PART III: POLITICAL REFORM – RETURNING POWER TO THE PEOPLE

3.1. Immediate measures for democratization

The transition from an authoritarian system to a genuine democracy cannot be quick – but it must begin immediately and with concrete, verifiable steps.

Block 1: Freedom of speech and information

Immediate release of all political prisoners and persons convicted for peaceful expression of opinion.
Repeal of the laws on “discrediting the army,” “foreign agents,” and “undesirable organizations” in their current version.
State reform of public broadcasting: a transition from state propaganda to real public journalism with independent editorial boards elected by civil society.
Guarantees of free internet access: lifting blockages, banning political censorship online, and legal protection of online anonymity.

Block 2: Electoral System

Adoption of a new electoral code that guarantees real competition: a simplified procedure for registering parties and candidates, and a ban on their withdrawal for political reasons.
Independent electoral commissions: formation of commissions at all levels on a proportional basis from representatives of all registered parties with the participation of international observers.
Transition to a mixed proportional-majoritarian electoral system with mandatory primaries and the possibility of recalling deputies.
Presidential term limit: no more than two consecutive terms under any circumstances. "Resetting" presidential terms through constitutional manipulation is prohibited.

Block 3: Judicial Independence

Competitive appointment of judges of the Supreme and Constitutional Courts with the mandatory participation of independent professional associations, and not just the executive branch.
Introducing real irremovability of judges and a ban on their prosecution based on the decisions they make.
Establishment of an independent body to investigate corruption in the judicial system.
Russia's ratification of the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights is a return to the system of international control.

3.2. The DirectDemocracyS Model: Direct Democracy for Russia

DDS offers Russia more than just "Western liberal democracy"—we offer something more advanced: a system of direct popular participation adapted to the country's real conditions.

Mechanisms of direct democracy:

Mandatory referendums on all decisions affecting the constitutional order, declarations of war, and major government expenditures beyond the budget plan.
The right of citizens to legislative initiative: a petition that has collected 100,000 signatures is required to be considered by the State Duma.
The right to recall deputies of any level through a popular vote upon reaching the threshold number of signatures.
Digital platforms for public participation: secure digital systems for discussing bills and voting at the municipal and regional levels.
Deliberative People's Assemblies: Randomly selected citizens (modeled on a jury) participate in the discussion of key bills and make independent recommendations to parliament.

Case study: Norway and Switzerland

Switzerland holds four to eight federal referendums per year on specific legislative issues. The result: high levels of public trust in government institutions, low corruption, and political stability. While Switzerland, with a population of 8.5 million, can implement direct democracy, Russia, with its digital infrastructure potential, is capable of implementing something similar for its 145 million citizens.

PART IV: ECONOMIC PROGRAM - FROM OLIGARCHY TO NATIONAL ECONOMY

4.1. Deoligarchization – returning stolen property to the people

Russia's wealth was created by the labor of all its people and belongs to all its people. The privatization of the 1990s, carried out with gross violations, transferred public property into the hands of individuals connected to the government. This isn't "business"—it's legalized robbery. It's time to fix this.

Specific measures of de-oligarchization:

Comprehensive privatization audit: An independent commission with international participation is reviewing all major privatization transactions of the 1990s. Transactions deemed illegal or conducted at undervalued prices are subject to review.
Progressive tax on the super-wealthy: an annual tax of 2-5% on wealth exceeding the equivalent of $10 million. Revenues are directed to the National Development Fund (see below).
Forced return of exported assets: diplomatic and legal pressure on jurisdictions harboring Russian oligarchs' assets. International recovery mechanisms modeled on UN anti-corruption programs.
Restructuring of strategic enterprises: companies in strategic sectors (energy, metallurgy, telecommunications), acquired illegally, are transferred to the management of public funds with the participation of employees and the state.
Limiting market concentration: next-generation antitrust legislation prohibiting horizontal monopolies with real enforcement mechanisms.

National Development Fund of Russia (NDRF):

Following the model of the Norwegian Petroleum Fund (the world's largest sovereign wealth fund with assets exceeding $1.7 trillion), Russia is creating the NFRR—a transparently managed people's fund that will receive:

Dividends from state participation in natural resource companies
Revenue from the progressive tax on the super-wealth
Assets recovered as a result of anti-corruption investigations
Part of the income from hydrocarbon exports (resource rent)

The FRRF governance structure consists of an independent council with representatives from the regions, civil society, and independent experts. Full quarterly public reporting. Parliamentary and civic oversight.

An example of the result: Norway, using a similar fund, secured one of the highest standards of living in the world. Russia's oil revenues are comparable or greater—but instead of using the national fund, they went toward enriching the elite and funding wars.

4.2. Diversification of the economy – saying goodbye to raw materials dependence

Russia is doomed to be a "gas station" only under the current system. A country with an outstanding engineering school, strong mathematical traditions, and a huge domestic market is capable of creating a diversified, innovative economy. This requires political will and an honest strategy.

Priority areas for diversification:

Agri-food sector: Russia has the largest agricultural lands in the world. Support for small and medium-sized agribusinesses, storage and processing infrastructure, and access to global value-added food markets.
IT and digital technologies: Russia has a world-class talent pool. What's needed is transparent protection of property rights, free access to global markets, freedom from political pressure on IT companies, and the attraction of expatriate specialists.
Green energy: nuclear power (Rosatom), renewable energy sources for the domestic market. Russia could become a leader in hydrogen exports, provided there is real investment.
Pharmaceuticals and biotechnology: Soviet legacy in life sciences + modern infrastructure = opportunity to create a competitive sector.
Forestry and timber construction: Russia controls 25% of the world's forest reserves, but exports primarily unprocessed timber. Advanced processing takes place within the country.

Stage	Goals and measures
2025-2028: Launch Platform	Tax holidays for non-resource startups. Creation of 10 world-class technology parks. Return programs for emigrated specialists.
2028-2033: "Growth"	The share of non-resource exports reaches 40%. Public investment in R&D is 3% of GDP. Three to four national technology champions are being developed.
2033-2038: "Maturity"	Russia is among the world's top 20 innovative economies. Its budget dependence on hydrocarbons has been reduced to 20%.

4.3. Anti-corruption system - zero tolerance

Corruption in Russia is not the exception, but the rule. Fighting it with declarations is impossible. A systemic architecture is needed.

Independent Anti-Corruption Bureau (IAB): independent of the executive branch, with a mandate from parliament, civil society, and the independent prosecutor's office. It has the power to investigate any official, including the president.
Mandatory asset declaration: all civil servants, members of parliament, judges and their immediate family members are required to publicly declare their assets annually and provide full verification.
Whistleblower Protection: A whistleblower protection law that provides effective anonymity and legal protection.
Digitalization of public procurement: all government contracts will be conducted exclusively through transparent digital platforms with public access to the results.
International cooperation in corruption investigations and asset recovery.

Expected outcome: Georgia carried out radical anti-corruption reform between 2004 and 2012, transforming itself in just a few years from one of the most corrupt post-Soviet countries into a country with a high level of trust in state institutions. If Georgia was able to achieve this, Russia is even more capable of doing so, given genuine political will.

PART V: FINANCIAL REFORM – MONEY AT THE SERVICE OF THE PEOPLE

5.1. Central Bank Reform

The Central Bank of Russia is formally independent, but it operates in a system where its actual mission is determined by political priorities. Central Bank reform is a necessary condition for financial stability.

Genuine independence of the Central Bank: the appointment of the leadership by parliament, based on the proposal of an independent council, including representatives of the scientific and business communities, with limited terms of office and a ban on re-election.
Dual mandate: price stability + maximum employment, modeled on the US Federal Reserve.
Full transparency: publication of meeting minutes, votes and full economic forecasts.
Oversight: quarterly hearings in parliament and in an independent civilian oversight commission.

5.2. Tax reform: fairness instead of regression

Russia's current tax system is de facto more favorable to the wealthy than to the middle class. Our principle is that those who earn more pay proportionally more.

Progressive income tax: rates range from 10% for incomes up to 50,000 rubles per month to 35% for incomes over 1 million rubles per month. Incomes below the subsistence level are fully exempt from tax.
Labor tax reform: reducing social contributions for small businesses and the self-employed, offset by higher taxes on capital.
Natural resource rent tax: increasing the collection of rent income from the extraction of natural resources—oil, gas, and metals. The subsoil belongs to the people.
Financial transaction tax (Tobin tax): 0.1% on speculative financial transactions – curbs financial instability and generates additional revenue for the budget.
Offshore barrier: strict legislation against profit transfer to offshore jurisdictions. International agreements on the automatic exchange of tax information.

5.3. Budget priorities - reorientation of expenditures

In the current Russian budget, military spending consumes over 6% of GDP, while healthcare and education are chronically underfunded. Reorienting the budget is not just a financial choice; it is a moral one.

Direction of expenses	Target indicator
Healthcare	From 3.5% to 7% of GDP (European average)
Education	From 3.6% to 6% of GDP + high-quality reform
Science and Technology	From 1% to 3% of GDP
Regional infrastructure	Special Fund for Regional Equalization
Social protection	Pension reform, increased benefits
Military spending	Gradual reduction from 6%+ to 2% of GDP (post-conflict)

PART VI: SOCIAL PROGRAM - DIGNITY FOR EVERYONE

6.1 Healthcare is a right, not a privilege

Accessible, high-quality healthcare is not a luxury, but a basic right for every citizen. Russian healthcare has been deteriorating for three decades. We propose systemic reform, not a cosmetic overhaul.

Rebuilding the primary healthcare network: opening at least 5,000 new feldsher-midwife stations and outpatient clinics in small towns and rural areas. Target: no more than a 30-minute drive to the nearest medical center for any resident of the country.
A real increase in the salaries of medical workers: the average salary of a doctor should be no less than 2.5 times the average salary in the economy; for nurses and paramedics – no less than 1.5 times the average salary.
Combating alcoholism and drug addiction as a medical, not just a criminal, problem: funding rehabilitation programs, preventive measures.
Mental health: creating a real system of psychological and psychiatric care with an emphasis on voluntariness and rehabilitation, rather than isolation.
Digital medicine: a unified electronic medical record, telemedicine for remote regions, digital appointments with specialists.

6.2. Education is an investment in the future

Education is not an expense item, but a strategic investment. A country that fails to invest in the knowledge of its citizens condemns itself to backwardness.

Free preschool education: compulsory and universal provision of places in kindergartens.
School curriculum reform: an emphasis on critical thinking, digital competencies, media literacy, ethics, and civic education—along with traditional subjects.
Accessibility of higher education: free tuition at state universities for all who pass the competitive selection process, regardless of place of residence or family income.
Decent pay for teachers: the average teacher's salary is not lower than the average salary in the economy.
Academic freedom: universities are free from political pressure. Firing faculty for expressing academic or political views is prohibited.

6.3. Housing and urban planning

Affordable Housing Program: government subsidies for housing construction for young families, single parents, and low-income individuals. Target: reducing the share of income spent on housing to no more than 25% of the average income.
Fighting "dead cities": renovation and revitalization programs for small towns losing population. Not liquidation, but modernization.
Housing and utilities reform: transparent pricing, citizen oversight of management companies, mandatory energy efficiency standards for new construction.

6.4. Rights of minorities and indigenous peoples

Russia is a multinational country. Its strength lies in diversity, not in its suppression.

Constitutional protection of the rights of all peoples of Russia: Tatars, Chechens, Bashkirs, Yakuts, Buryats, Kalmyks and others - without hierarchy.
Support for the languages and cultures of indigenous peoples: state funding for education, media, and cultural institutions in the languages of the peoples of Russia.
Rejection of forced assimilation: cultural diversity is a country's asset, not a threat.
LGBT+ Rights: DDS consistently adheres to the principle of dignity and equality for all citizens, regardless of sexual orientation and gender identity. We condemn persecution of individuals for their private lives.

PART VII: FOREIGN POLICY - RUSSIA AS A RESPONSIBLE MEMBER OF THE WORLD COMMUNITY

7.1. New Foreign Policy Doctrine

Russia's foreign policy for the past twenty years has been built on a zero-sum logic: you win, I lose. This logic has led to isolation, war, and economic losses. We offer an alternative: a mutually beneficial partnership that respects the sovereignty of all peoples.

Principles of the new foreign policy:

Unconditional adherence to the UN Charter and the norms of international law as the basis of international order - without exception.
Non-interference in the internal affairs of other states is symmetrical and consistent.
Rejection of “spheres of influence”: CIS countries are independent entities, not Russia’s “near abroad”.
Nuclear disarmament: a return to the spirit of the START treaties, active participation in international arms control negotiations.
Climate Responsibility: Russia, the world's largest oil and gas producer, has a special responsibility to transition to clean energy.

7.2. Relations with neighbors

Ukraine: peaceful settlement, compensation for damages, respect for sovereignty as a basis for normalization.
Belarus: Support civil society and the people's movement for democracy, not Lukashenko.
Georgia, Moldova, Armenia: recognition of their right to independently choose their foreign policy orientation without pressure.
Baltic States: normalization of relations, recognition of historical grievances, respect for the rights of Russian-speaking minorities through diplomatic mechanisms.
China: A partnership on equal terms, not a junior partner role imposed by isolation.

7.3 Return to International Institutions

Restoration of membership in the Council of Europe and PACE.
Full participation in the WTO with the fulfillment of assumed obligations.
Return to international human rights conventions with recognition of the jurisdiction of international bodies.
Active participation in international climate negotiations (Paris Agreement).

PART VIII: ECOLOGY AND CLIMATE – RESPONSIBILITY TO FUTURE GENERATIONS

8.1. Environmental crisis in Russia

Russia suffers from severe environmental problems, largely inherited from the Soviet era and exacerbated by irresponsible resource management: river pollution (Volga, Ob, Lena), atmospheric pollution of industrial centers, the Baikal crisis, and melting permafrost.

National Environmental Program: 5 trillion rubles over 10 years to clean up contaminated areas, primarily industrial zones and water areas.
Strict environmental standards for industry with real sanctions—not symbolic fines that are cheaper to pay than to comply with the law.
Protection of Lake Baikal: a ban on any industrial construction in the protected zone; a program for restoring the aquatic ecosystem.
Forest management reform: eliminating illegal logging through digital monitoring, satellite control, and effective criminal prosecution.
Climate program: a plan for decarbonizing the Russian economy through 2050, creating a carbon market, and investing in renewable energy sources for domestic needs.

PART IX: FEDERALISM AND REGIONS – RUSSIA AS A REAL FEDERATION

9.1. From Imitation to Real Federalism

Russia is constitutionally a federation, but in reality it is a unitary state with a rigid vertical power structure. Regions lack real financial powers—approximately 70% of tax revenues first go to the federal budget, and then partially redistribute them at the discretion of the center, often based on political criteria.

Tax decentralization: at least 50% of tax revenues remain in the region where they are collected.
Direct elections of governors without filters and requirements of a “municipal filter”.
The real legislative power of regional parliaments in the areas of education, healthcare, housing and local development.
Formulaic distribution of federal transfers: a transparent, objective formula instead of political bargaining.
Development of Siberia and the Far East: a special development program taking into account the interests of local populations—and not just mining corporations.

PART X: TRANSITION PERIOD - HOW TO IMPLEMENT THE PROGRAM

10.1 Realistic transition plan

We understand that none of the proposed reforms will be implemented overnight. History shows that successful transformations take years and require political will, civic engagement, and patience. Here is our realistic plan.

Stage	Key measures
Year 1: Stabilization and Foundation	Ceasefire. Release of political prisoners. Repeal of censorship laws. Beginning of constitutional reform. Creation of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau.
Years 2-3: Political Reform	A new electoral code. The first fair parliamentary elections. Judicial reform. Privatization audit.
Years 3-5: Economic Turnaround	Tax reform. Creation of the Federal Tax Service. Anti-corruption investigations. Launch of diversification programs.
Years 5-10: Social Reconstruction	Healthcare reform. Education reform. Housing program. Environmental investments.
After 10 Years: Russia of a New Type	A competitive economy. A functioning democracy. A respected international partner. A decent life for all citizens.

10.2. The Role of Civil Society

No program written anywhere—in Moscow or Brussels, Washington or Geneva—will work without the active participation of Russian citizens themselves. That's why:

DDS supports the creation of independent civil society organizations at all levels of Russian society.
We call on Russian citizens—both within the country and in exile—to unite in direct democracy micro-groups based on the DDS model.
We are ready to share our experience of self-organization, direct democracy and collective decision-making.
No reform from above can replace the people's will from below.

10.3. International support

Reforming Russia is in the interests of the entire global community. We call on:

Western countries: separate sanctions against specific individuals from sanctions against the Russian people. Targeted pressure on oligarchs – yes. Collective punishment of ordinary citizens – no.
International organizations (UN, EU, OSCE): create mechanisms to support the democratic transition in Russia while respecting its sovereignty.
Global civil society: solidarity with democratic forces within Russia, support for independent media and human rights defenders.

CONCLUSION: WE BELIEVE IN RUSSIA

This program is not a project of conquest or the imposition of foreign values. It is our proposal for cooperation based on mutual respect and shared human values: dignity, freedom, justice, and peace.

We at DirectDemocracyS believe that Russia is capable of more than its current system allows it to be. The Russian people deserve a state that serves them, not exploits them. They deserve an economy in which the national wealth works for all, not just a few. They deserve peace—above all, peace.

The road ahead is long and difficult. But there is no alternative: continuing the current system leads to further degradation, isolation, and suffering. Change is not a risk, it is a necessity.

OUR FUNDAMENTAL COMMITMENT: DirectDemocracyS will never support foreign interference in Russia's internal affairs, regime change from outside, or the country's economic colonization. Russia's future is determined solely by the Russian people. We offer our experience, our tools, and our solidarity.

DirectDemocracyS — together we build a world based on logic, dignity, and direct democracy.

www.directdemocracys.org