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    Program for Bahrain

    Bahrain 0 rectangle

    DirectDemocracyS — DDS

    Global Direct Democracy

    The Comprehensive National Program of the Kingdom of Bahrain

    A critical political, economic, financial, and social analysis of the current situation, and a complete roadmap for implementation.

    Prepared by : DirectDemocracyS — June 2026

    Table of Contents

    Introduction : Philosophy DirectDemocracyS .............. 3

    Part One : A Critical Analysis of the Current Situation in Bahrain ( 2025-2026 ) .......... 3

    1.1 The political and institutional situation ....... 3

    1.2 Economic and Financial Situation .......................... 4

    1.3 Social Status ............... 4

    1.4 Summary of the analysis : Bahraini structural contradiction ... 4

    Part Two : Program DirectDemocracyS for Bahrain ................................. 6

    2.1 Political and Institutional Program ....... 6

    2.1.1 Diagnosis ........... 6

    2.1.2 Solution : Small groups as a peaceful and effective alternative ..... 6

    2.1.3 Additional Guarantees .................. 6

    2.2 Economic and Financial Program ........................... 7

    2.2.1 Diagnosis ........... 7

    2.2.2 Solution : Bahrain's People's Wealth Fund (Bahrain People's Sovereign Fund) .......................... 7

    2.2.3 Addressing Public Debt and Fiscal Deficit . 7

    2.2.4 Genuine, popularly managed economic diversification ..................................... 7

    2.3 Social Program ........... 7

    Part 3 : ddsAI and allddsAI — Direct, Full, Immediate, and Secure Democracy ................ 9

    3.1 ddsAI: Independent media and knowledge for every citizen and group .... 9

    3.2 allddsAI: The Democracy of Artificial Intelligence as Active Members .......................... 9

    3.3 Protection against media manipulation and brainwashing ................... 9

    Part Four : Respect for Traditions, Religions, Languages, Opposition, and Minorities ........................... 10

    Part Five : Expected Results from Implementing the Program DDS .................... 11

    5.1 In the short term ( one to two years ) ................. 11

    5.2 In the medium term ( three to five years ) ...... 11

    5.3 Long-term ( more than five years ) ..................... 11

    Conclusion .......................... 12

     

    Introduction: The Philosophy of DirectDemocracy

    Direct Democracy Worldwide ( DDS ) is not a political party in the traditional sense, nor is it a non-governmental organization, nor is it a project affiliated with any state or foreign power . It is an alternative and comprehensive system of governance based on logic, common sense, research, reality, truth, cohesion, and mutual respect . This program, tailored to the Kingdom of Bahrain, is a precise application of these principles to Bahrain's actual political, economic, and social reality, as it exists today, without embellishment or flattery .

    The basic rule that DDS applies In every country in the world, without exception, the principle is this : the wealth of each country, and the power to decide its future, must remain the permanent and exclusive property of its people . Not for foreign companies, not for ruling families, not for regional or international powers, and not even for DDS. It is the same as an organization . Collective non - transferable ownership means that power and wealth are not granted, but are exercised daily by the citizens themselves through direct, transparent, and verifiable mechanisms .

    In Bahrain specifically, where oil and financial wealth is relatively limited but strategic, and where political power has been historically concentrated in the hands of a single ruling family for more than two centuries, this principle acquires double importance : the question is not just who owns the oil revenues, but who decides the future of the entire country .

    Current Situation in Bahrain ( 2025-2026 )

    1.1 Political and institutional situation

    Since the crushing of the popular uprising demanding democracy in 2011 With the help of the Gulf Peninsula Shield forces, the Bahraini authorities systematically stripped away a wide range of political rights and civil liberties, dismantled organized political opposition, and suppressed ongoing dissent concentrated particularly among the Shiite population, who constitute the demographic majority in the country, even though power is concentrated in the hands of a ruling Sunni elite .

    The current parliamentary elections are neither competitive nor inclusive . Political parties have been effectively banned since the dissolution of Al-Wefaq National Islamic Society ( the largest Shiite political organization ) in 2016 , and the former secular Wa'ad Society . This is further compounded by the so-called " political isolation laws " issued in 2018. Former members of dissolved opposition associations are barred from running for parliament or even sitting on the boards of civil society organizations. They also affect former detainees due to their political activity, who face repeated rejection of requests for the “ certificate of good conduct ” necessary for employment and university admission .

    Around 75 % of Bahrain's population is ineligible to vote, as non-citizens ( expatriate workers ) constitute the majority; the number of registered voters is only a few hundred thousand . The next parliamentary elections are scheduled for November 2026 , but the European Union itself, in its recent dialogue with Bahrain, expressed concern about the lack of guarantees for freedom of expression, assembly, and association before that date .

    Prominent opposition and human rights figures remain in detention or under ongoing harassment, including Abdulhadi al-Khawaja, Hassan Mushaima, Dr. Abduljalil al-Singace, and Sheikh Ali Salman . (November 2025) Ibrahim Sharif has been arrested for the tenth time since 2011. Twelve prisoners on death row remain at imminent risk of execution .

    Despite the broad royal pardon of more than 5,000 Prisoner between 2024 And in 2025 ( a positive step that must be honestly acknowledged ) , the arrests continued : in April 2025 Coinciding with the Formula 1 race In Bahrain, 22 people were arrested. A person; and in July 2025 During the commemoration of Ashura, authorities launched a campaign of arrests and summonses described as using " unjustified violence ," targeting 60 people. Citizen . ADHRB reports indicate In February 2026 The repression is no longer limited to political opposition, but has extended to include social and economic protests, such as demands for jobs and accountability, which are turned into security issues by the media through organized smear campaigns ( what is known locally as “ electronic flies ”).

    Press freedom is virtually nonexistent : After the closure of the last independent newspaper ( Al-Wasat ) in 2017 , the entire Bahraini media landscape became either state-owned or loyal to the government . (By 2024) Bahrain has dropped two places in Reporters Without Borders' Press Freedom Index, ranking 173rd. Out of 180 nation .

    In May 2025 The Bahraini parliament voted on amendments to the press law, which it referred to the Shura Council. The Committee to Protect Journalists and other human rights organizations rejected the amendments, considering that they could increase the repression of press freedom and freedom of expression .

    1.2 Economic and Financial Situation

    Bahrain's economy stands at a historically precarious point . Public debt reached approximately 142.5 % of GDP in 2025 , the highest level in the entire Middle East region except for Lebanon, and is expected to stabilize near 140 % by 2028. Debt servicing alone consumes about 33 % of total government revenues .

    The fiscal deficit is approximately 10 To 10.5 % of GDP, and is expected to reach 10.2 % in 2026. The structural reason : Bahrain needs an oil price close to $130 up to 140 Dollars per barrel to achieve financial balance, while oil is actually trading at around 60 up to 70 Only a dollar . The gap is enormous and cannot be bridged by wishing for higher prices .

    In December 2025 , the government announced a reform package that included a corporate income tax, a 20 % reduction in government administrative spending, increased fuel and natural gas prices for businesses, and higher transfers of profits from state-owned enterprises to the public treasury . Standard & Poor's had already downgraded Bahrain's sovereign rating from B + to B. In April 2025 With a negative outlook .

    75% A significant portion of Bahrain's public debt is financed domestically, meaning the national banking system itself is dangerously exposed to sovereign risk, creating a classic vicious cycle where local banks finance the government's deficit, which in turn guarantees the stability of those banks . This is compounded by the continued reliance on financial aid from Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Kuwait ( a $ 10 billion support package) . Billions of dollars approved since 2018 make Bahrain a country that is gradually losing its actual financial independence, as this support has become conditional on reforms and compliance with regional priorities that Bahrain does not set itself .

    The non-oil sector already generates around 85 % of real GDP ( financial services 17.8 % , manufacturing 16.1 % , tourism around 10 %) , yet government revenues still depend on oil and gas revenues for more than 60-75 % of their total . This structural contradiction—a diversified real economy and a government budget still captive to oil—is at the heart of Bahrain's fiscal fragility .

    The aluminum sector ( the second most important export after oil derivatives ) was severely affected by a 50 % US tariff imposed in 2025 , with export losses approaching 500 One million dollars . The Sitra refinery was also attacked in March 2026. Expectations of increased oil production were dashed, while the country remains highly vulnerable to any disruption in the Strait of Hormuz, through which all of Bahrain's hydrocarbon exports pass .

    Youth unemployment is relatively high compared to the general rate ( around 4.9 % overall ) , and reaches about 12.5 % among young women , while legitimate social and economic demands ( employment, wages, housing ) are often treated as security issues rather than being addressed economically .

    The sponsorship system is still in place and ties the visas of expatriate workers to their employers, which limits their freedom to change jobs and exposes them to widespread exploitation, even though more than half of Bahrain’s population are expatriates ( and more than a third of the expatriates are from India alone ).

    1.3 Social Status

    Unified Family Law of 2017 A woman is obligated to obey her husband and not leave the house without a " legitimate excuse , " and she may lose her right to maintenance if the court deems her " disobedient ." Article 20 allows Family law allows girls to marry at the age of 16 A year or less with the permission of a Sharia court . A woman cannot be the legal guardian of her child even after the father's death or in the event of divorce and her custody of the child . The Nationality Act of 1963 also prohibits this. Bahraini women married to foreigners are unable to pass on their nationality to their children, creating real obstacles to obtaining travel documents for the children .

    According to human rights organizations, dozens of children are currently detained, and Human Rights Watch has documented cases of torture and ill-treatment of minors in police custody . ( 2023) Approximately 800 were carried out Prisoners staged a mass hunger strike in the notorious Jau prison to protest detention conditions, and instead of having their demands met, they faced punitive measures .

    Sectarian affiliation remains a key determinant for accessing senior positions in the state, army and security, generating a chronic feeling of marginalization among the Shiite component despite being the demographic majority .

    1.4 Summary of the analysis: Bahraini structural contradiction

    Bahrain is experiencing a dangerous duality : on the one hand, a relatively diversified and developed real economy ( financial services, industry, tourism ) managed by a relatively educated and globally engaged society; on the other hand, a closed political system where power is concentrated in the hands of a single family, and a public financial system captive to declining oil revenues and burdened by debt approaching 140 % of GDP . The result : a people with no say in their own wealth or their country's future, and a state that finances its growing deficit by borrowing from its local banks and its Gulf neighbors, in an ever-increasing cycle of dependency . This is precisely the model that DDS presents . His goal is to dismantle it and replace it with a system in which all the wealth and all the decision-making power belongs to the Bahraini people themselves — in all their components, Sunnis and Shiites, citizens and long-term residents, men and women .

     

    DirectDemocracyS Program for Bahrain

    What follows is not merely a set of demands, but a complete and practically applicable operational roadmap, built on micro-groups as the basic unit of direct democracy, supported by ddsAI technologies. and allddsAI , protected by three-code identity verification mechanisms , and always guided by the golden rule : wealth and decision always remain exclusively the property of the Bahraini people .

    2.1 Political and Institutional Program

    2.1.1 Diagnosis

    The current system concentrates political decision-making in a single hereditary institution, with a partially elected parliament possessing limited powers, political parties effectively banned, and political exclusion laws that bar entire groups from participation . This means that genuine popular will finds no institutional channel for peaceful expression, leading to either periodic explosions of discontent ( as in 2011 ) or chronic repression .

    2.1.2 Solution: Small groups as a peaceful and effective alternative

    DDS He does not call for a violent confrontation with the state, nor for a coup or a revolution in the classical sense . The solution he proposes is much simpler, smarter, and safer : building a network of micro - groups of Bahraini citizens, organized at the neighborhood, village, institution, university, and professional level, practicing direct democracy internally in full — discussion, voting, decision, implementation — regardless of official state recognition of them in the first stage .

    • Each small group ( approximately 10 to 150 members) manages its affairs by direct voting on the DDS digital platform, with full identity protection through an anonymous triple-coded system, so that no governmental or security agency can link a member's identity to their vote.
    • Groups are intertwined upwards (from the neighborhood to the city to the governorate to the state) through a mechanism of instantaneous withdrawal of mandate ( liquid democracy ), so no representative monopolizes permanent power, and any citizen can withdraw his mandate at any moment if he feels that the person representing him no longer expresses him.
    • This structure does not require prior authorization from the authorities to begin operating, because it is first and foremost a tool for self-organization, knowledge, and consultation among citizens, similar to a civil society association or club, and does not pose a direct security threat that can be easily criminalized.
    • As the number of groups grows and spreads (goal: comprehensive coverage of all major Bahraini population centers — Manama, Muharraq, Riffa, Isa Town, Sitra, and all villages), a parallel People's Council is gradually formed that effectively reflects the will of the majority of Bahrainis, regardless of sectarian affiliation or original nationality.
    • This parallel council does not seek to overthrow the monarchy by force, but rather to gradually impose itself as a true representative authority that negotiates from a position of numerical strength and documented popular legitimacy, just as the National Charter reforms were imposed in 2001 through a popular referendum that received a 4 % approval rate, which proves that the Bahraini people themselves are historically willing to participate when peaceful and legitimate channels are available to them.

    In other words : where there are no free elections, or where elections are merely a formality as is the case in Bahrain today, then DDS He does not wait for permission from the existing authority . He is building, quietly, patiently, intelligently, and completely peacefully, an alternative legitimacy from the bottom up, through digitally documented self-organization, until the digitally documented will of the people becomes a reality that cannot be ignored or easily suppressed, because it is distributed, decentralized, and does not have a single " head " that can be arrested to silence it .

    2.1.3 Additional Guarantees

    • Immediate and phased repeal of the 2018 political exclusion laws as a first negotiating objective, supported by comprehensive international documentation through the DDS media and bureaucratic network .
    • The release of all political prisoners and journalists detained for their opinions, an immediate halt to executions, and the complete abolition of the death penalty.
    • Reopening the independent media space, with direct DDS support via neutral and censorship-proof digital platforms, providing accurate, neutral and independent information to every citizen and every microgroup.
    • Full and absolute respect for the monarchy as a historical and cultural symbol if the Bahraini people choose to keep it with symbolic or limited constitutional powers, similar to successful constitutional monarchies worldwide — the decision rests with the people themselves through a vote of small groups, not with DDS .

    2.2 Economic and Financial Program

    2.2.1 Diagnosis

    Public debt approaching 140 % of GDP, a chronic deficit of 10 % annually , reliance on an unrealistic oil price ( 130-140 Dollar ) To achieve balance, there is an increasing reliance on conditional Gulf support, and a central bank and banking sector that are too closely tied to the sovereign risk of the same state .

    2.2.2 Solution: Bahrain People's Sovereign Fund

    DDS suggests Establishing a public wealth fund, completely separate from any existing sovereign wealth fund managed by the government or the ruling family, with its accounts managed with full transparency through the ddsAI platform. Subject to public scrutiny by any citizen at any time, and its major strategic decisions ( investment size, sectors, profit distribution ) are made through a direct vote by small groups specializing in economic affairs .

    • Directing a specific percentage ( DDS proposes starting at 5 %, which can be gradually increased) of future hydrocarbon revenues directly to the People’s Fund instead of them entering the discretionary general budget subject to a unilateral government decision.
    • Distributing a portion of the fund's returns annually as a " Citizen Dividend " to every adult Bahraini citizen, regardless of their income or job, similar to the globally successful Alaska Permanent Fund, creates a tangible and immediate feeling that the country's wealth truly belongs to the people, not the state.
    • The remaining portion of the proceeds is invested in genuine economic diversification decided by the people themselves through voting: advanced technical education, renewable energy (Bahrain has excellent solar potential that is not sufficiently exploited), digital infrastructure, healthcare, and affordable housing for young citizens.

    2.2.3 Addressing public debt and fiscal deficit

    • An independent and public citizen audit of all government spending items, conducted by specialized teams from DDS in cooperation with neutral financial experts, to identify any unproductive spending or spending linked to opaque privileges for narrow elites, before resorting to any austerity measures that affect the poor and middle classes.
    • A gradual restructuring of part of the public debt through transparent collective negotiation with the participation of representatives of smaller groups, instead of leaving it to closed technocratic decisions.
    • 10 % corporate tax scheduled for 2027 should be applied with genuine progressivity, excluding local small and medium-sized enterprises owned by Bahraini citizens, and focusing the burden on large foreign companies and the high-profit financial sector.
    • 20 % reduction in administrative spending should first target the bureaucratic structure associated with unproductive privileges and honorary positions, not basic services for citizens.

    2.2.4 Genuine, popularly managed economic diversification

    • Supporting the financial sector ( 8 % of GDP) with regulatory controls that are more independent from direct political influence, to make Bahrain a truly competitive financial center compared to Dubai and Riyadh, through transparent governance that attracts investment instead of relying solely on tax exemptions.
    • The People's Fund's investment in the aluminum industry (Alba Company) aims to expand local added value (manufacturing finished products instead of exporting raw materials) and reduce dependence on a single market affected by US tariffs.
    • A national solar energy program, funded by the People’s Fund, aims to cover 30 % of local electricity needs within ten years, reducing Bahrain’s reliance on burning oil locally and allowing for the export of larger quantities.
    • Completely reform the sponsorship system: Separate the expatriate worker’s visa from the specific employer, and create a transparent national employment register managed by joint small groups of citizens and expatriate workers, to end exploitation and guarantee everyone’s rights without harming job opportunities for Bahraini citizens.

    2.3 Social Program

    • Eliminating all forms of legal discrimination against women in the Family Law of 2017 : abolishing the condition of “obedience” and the husband’s right to drop alimony on the charge of “disobedience”, raising the minimum age of marriage to 18 years without exceptions, and granting the mother the right of full legal guardianship over her children.
    • Amending the Nationality Law of 1963 to grant Bahraini women a full and equal right to pass on their nationality to their children, just like Bahraini men.
    • The immediate release of all detained children, and an end to any form of investigation or detention of minors without the presence of their parents and a competent lawyer, with an independent investigation into documented cases of torture.
    • A national program for sectarian reconciliation, run by small mixed groups (Sunni and Shiite) at the local level, focuses on actual equality of employment opportunities in the public, military and security sectors, regardless of sectarian affiliation.
    • Improving detention conditions in all Bahraini prisons (especially Jaw Prison), under the supervision of independent monitoring committees that include representatives from specialized human rights groups, and stopping any collective punishment against detainees on peaceful hunger strike.
    • Addressing the root causes of youth unemployment (especially among young women, where it stands at 5 %) through vocational and technical training programs directly linked to real growth sectors (finance, technology, renewable energy), with mandatory national employment quotas in the large private sector.

     

    Part Three: ddsAI and allddsAI — Direct, Full, Instant, and Secure Democracy

    of DDS superiority What distinguishes any other alternative model is its actual technical capacity to achieve genuine direct democracy, not just a theoretical slogan . This is possible thanks to an integrated technological infrastructure :

    3.1 ddsAI : Independent media and knowledge for every citizen and group

    • ddsAI system provides every Bahraini citizen and every small group with complete, accurate, and completely neutral information on every issue up for a vote—whether economic, political, or social—free from official media censorship and systematic smear campaigns (“electronic flies”) documented by independent human rights organizations.
    • ddsAI does not impose an opinion or direct the vote in a particular direction; its sole mission is to present facts, data, and multilateral contexts, including the views of the government, the opposition, and independent experts side by side, with complete transparency about the sources of all information.

    3.2 allddsAI : Artificial Intelligence Democracy as Active Members

    • allddsAI system integrates artificial intelligence as an official member of the DDS framework , with its own defined rights and responsibilities. It contributes to analysis, auditing, and suggestions, but its decisions are always subject to review and approval by human groups, not the other way around. Any AI-generated suggestion is adopted only if the relevant group votes on and approves it.
    • allddsAI technologies are used to accelerate analysis, detect manipulation and misinformation, and propose technical solutions based on in-depth studies and international comparisons, especially in complex financial and economic files such as public debt management or the design of the People’s Fund.

    3.3 Protection against media manipulation and brainwashing

    • three-code identity verification system protects the identity of each user completely anonymously, preventing authorities or any entity from linking a particular vote or opinion to a specific person, which is crucial in a Bahraini context where digital surveillance tools and security summonses are used to punish opinion and digital activity.
    • DDS platforms are technically fortified against organized disinformation campaigns and documented “electronic flies” patterns in Bahrain, through mechanisms that verify the source of information, detect automated and fake accounts, and protect small groups from hacking or infiltration.
    • The speed and immediacy of the system means that any collective decision can be made and verified within hours, not months, unlike the deliberate structural slowness of current state institutions in addressing popular demands.

     

    Part Four: Respect for traditions, religions, languages, opposition, and minorities

    DDS It does not seek to impose an external cultural, religious, or social model on Bahrain . Quite the contrary : the DDS principle The basic principle is that every people decides its own culture and identity, through its own direct democratic mechanisms .

    • Full respect for Islam as the official religion of the state and for the practices and traditions of both the Sunni and Shiite sects, with a guarantee of full equality of rights and opportunities between the followers of the two sects, without favoring one over the other in public, security or military jobs.
    • Full protection of freedom of worship for all religious minorities residing in Bahrain (Christian, Hindu, Baha’i, and others), and guaranteeing their right to practice their rituals without discrimination.
    • Preserving the Arabic language as a national language and cultural identity, while providing ddsAI materials and all DDS tools in Modern Standard Arabic and the spoken Gulf dialect, in addition to the languages of the major expatriate communities (English, Urdu, Hindi, and Tagalog) to ensure effective and comprehensive participation of all concerned residents.
    • Full protection of the right of the political opposition, whatever its ideological orientation, to organize and express itself peacefully within the frameworks of small groups, including voices supporting the current monarchy if they choose to do so, or demanding radical reforms, or calling for a constitutional republic — the decision rests exclusively with the Bahraini people through their free vote, not with DDS .
    • Preserving Bahrain's unique cultural heritage (pearl diving, traditional architecture, folk music, the UNESCO-listed Bahrain Fort) as part of the national identity, which the people themselves decide to preserve and develop.

     

    Part Five: Expected Results from Applying the DDS Program

    5.1 In the short term (one to two years)

    • The first small groups were formed in neighborhoods and major cities, and the number of participants reached tens of thousands of Bahraini citizens through the secure DDS platform .
    • The beginning of an independent public audit of government spending will reveal to the Bahraini and international public the true extent of the waste and put direct negotiating pressure on the authorities to reform spending.
    • Coordinated international media and bureaucratic pressure (via the global DDS network ) to release the most prominent political prisoners and halt the execution of death sentences, as a first concrete step.

    5.2 In the medium term (three to five years)

    • The actual establishment of the Bahraini People's Fund, even with modest amounts at the beginning, with the first symbolic direct distribution to citizens, proves the practical feasibility of the model.
    • The growth of the parallel People’s Council to a size that represents a considerable proportion of eligible voters makes it difficult for the authorities to ignore or suppress it without a heavy political and international cost.
    • A gradual and tangible decline in public debt and fiscal deficit rates is due to transparency imposed from below and documented public pressure on unproductive spending.

    5.3 Long-term (more than five years)

    • Gradual formal recognition of smaller groups as a legitimate representative mechanism, either through negotiated constitutional reform or through a complete shift towards a genuine constitutional monarchy in which the digitally documented popular will determines most major decisions.
    • A more stable and resilient Bahraini economy, based on genuine diversification instead of chronic debt, and national wealth distributed and visible to every citizen instead of being concentrated in the hands of a narrow elite.
    • A more cohesive Bahraini society, in which politically exploited sectarian divisions recede, in favor of a unifying national identity based on genuine equality of rights and opportunities.

     

    conclusion

    This program is not an empty promise or an imported ideology, but a realistic, detailed, and practically applicable roadmap, built on documented and up-to-date economic, financial, and human rights data up to mid- 2026 . Its challenges are complex and real : a historically closed political system, an economy burdened by enormous debt, and a sectarianly divided society whose divisions are exploited by the authorities . But it is precisely these challenges that make the DDS model — decentralized, transparent, peaceful, grassroots, and technically protected from repression and manipulation—the most suitable solution for 21st-century Bahrain .

    Bahrain's wealth, whether oil, financial services, aluminum, or tourism, must remain and always be managed for the benefit of all Bahrainis, without sectarian, gender, or class discrimination . The power to decide Bahrain's future must gradually but steadily and irrevocably return to the Bahraini people themselves—through the direct, free, equal, and documented voice of every citizen .

    " Direct democracy is not an ideological choice among many options, but rather the natural right of every people who possess the logic, common sense, and will to manage their own affairs ." — DirectDemocracyS

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