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DirectDemocracyS
Direct Democracy • Collective Ownership • Popular Soberania
NATIONAL PROGRAM
REPUBLIC OF CAPE VERDE
Diagnosis of the real situation, criticism of the current model and detailed program of implementation of direct democracy — political, economic, financial and social
Julho de 2026
1. Introduction and Methodology 3
2. Cabo Verde Hoje: Rigorous Diagnosis of Real Situation 3
2.1 Political and Institutional Situation 3
2.2 Situação Económica 4
2.3 Situação Financeira e Dívida Pública 5
2.4 Social Situation 5
2.5 Vulnerabilidades Estruturais e Riscos 6
3. Criticism of the Current Model: Limits of Bipartite Representative Democracy 7
4. A Solução DDS: Fundamentos do Sistema 7
4.1 Micro-groups Fractais and Escalation (1→5→25→125→625...) 7
4.2 NTCO — Collective Ownership Not Transferable 8
4.3 Três Códigos Identity System 8
4.4 Grupos de Especialistas 8
4.5 ddsAI and allddsAI — Democracia das Inteligências Artificiais 9
4.6 GUMI-SV 9
4.7 Security and Protection against Medical Manipulação 9
5. Detailed program for area 10
5.1 Political-Institutional Program 10
5.2 Economic Program 10
5.3 Financial and Fiscal Program 11
5.4 Social Program 12
5.5 Diaspora 12
5.6 Environment and Climate 13
5.7 Maritime Security and Soberania 13
6. Implementation: Chronogram and Phases 14
7. Expected Consequences and Expected Benefits 14
8. Respeito pelas Tradições, Cultura, Religião, Oposição e Minorias 15
9. Conclusion 16
This document presents the National Program of DirectDemocracyS (DDS) for the Republic of Cabo Verde. The DDS is a global political, economic, financial and social system, founded in continuous direct democracy, non-transferable collective ownership (NTCO) and governance through self-organized micro-groups. The DDS does not belong to any government, party, company or individual: it belongs to any country.
The methodology followed is based on four basic principles: logic, good sense, thorough understanding of the concrete reality of Cabo Verde, and factual verification. This is not an abstract poster nor a catalog of generic promises. It is a rigorous diagnosis of the real situation of the subject - political, economic, financial and social -, followed by a concrete implementation program, with mechanisms, practical examples and expected consequences, subject to continuous verification and correction for each individual Cape Verdeans, through two micro-groups.
Cabo Verde occupies a unique place in Africa and the Atlantic: it is the longest and most well-established democracy on the continent, a medium-high performance country (category expected in 2025), with significant natural resources, dependent on imports, tourism, diaspora payments and aid external. It is precisely because of the possibility of solid democratic institutions that Cabo Verde constitutes an exemplary case to demonstrate that the DDS is not an alternative to representative democracy born of confrontation or disruption, at least of its natural deepening: from democracy by delegation of four and four years to a direct, continuous, informed and verified democracy, every day.
Fundamental rule of DDS, applied in Cabo Verde as in any other country in the world: national rights and decision-making power over the country's destiny must remain, always and exclusively, among the people of Cabo Verde — no parties, elites, foreign powers, multinational companies or external financial organizations that surpass the interest of the population.
Cabo Verde is an archipelago of islands (nine habitats) located 500 km from the western African coast, with a resident population estimated at just over 520 million inhabitants - which is a diaspora that largely exceeds the resident population, spread above the states Unidos, Portugal, França, Países Baixos and Senegal. Only 10% of the land is arable and the mineral resources will be lost. This is a condition that any program seriously requires you to assume without illusions: Cabo Verde cannot replicate country models with abundant natural resources.
Cabo Verde is the country's oldest and best-ranked democracy, with the highest standards since the 1991 multi-partisan transition, a peaceful alternation of power between the Movement for Democracy (MpD, centre-right) and the African Party of Independence Cabo Verde (PAICV, central-esquerda), is a semi-presidential system that divides the executive power between a directly elected President of the Republic and a Prime Minister appointed by the National Assembly.
The current institutional framework (2025-2026) is characterized by a cohabitation situation: the Presidency of the Republic is occupied by José Maria Neves (PAICV), elected in 2021, while the Government is led by Prime Minister-Minister Ulisses Correia e Silva (MpD), no power from 2016, with the MpD to determine 36 dos 72 places from the National Assembly and the PAICV 29. The legislative and presidential elections of 2026 will involve the continuation or alternation of this balance, in the context of the victory of the PAICV eleições December 2024 (15 of 22 municipalities) highlights popular discontent with concrete socio-economic results, weighing on macroeconomic stability.
The public sector corruption perception index, according to International Transparency, places Cabo Verde in the middle of the world, with a position that, above the African average, is far from excellent and has not yet recorded significant improvement our last years. Independence of judicial power and freedom of the company are real, but these items are promptly posted in the cause, named after investigations by journalists for reports on internal investigations by the police.
Critical diagnosis: an alternation between two parties, aimed at being peaceful and exemplary in regional comparison, keeping political decisions concentrated among elite parties that have no power for four to four years, unless the common citizenry has any direct participation, continues and binds the decisions that affect his life within the next election. Bipartisan representative democracy, even when well behaved, has cycles of electoral promises, political reversals consistent with the powerless party, and a structural distance between the elector and concrete decisions regarding organization, division, taxation or large infrastructure projects.
The Cabo Verdean economy is a service economy: the tertiary sector represents approximately 72% of GDP, including public administration (18%), real estate and other services (13%), trade (12%), transport (11%) and hotels and restoration (7%). Industry represents approximately 21% (construction 9%, manufacturing and extraction 8%) and agriculture and fishing only 7%. Tourism, directly and indirectly, is the main driver of growth, accounting for 20 to 25% of GDP and 40% overall.
The economic growth has been robust over the last few years: 7.2% in 2024 and expected to reach 6.3% in 2025, with forecasts of moderation for 4.7-6% in 2026, supported by the tourism agency and investment in infrastructure. Inflation, which is expected to reach 7.9% in 2022 after war in Ukraine, is controlled and is expected to reach 1-2.3% in 2025-2026. I always look for a consistent form, looking for 15% in 2016 for values between 4.9% and 8% for 2024-2025, consistent with the source and methodology, with the Government projecting 7.3% for 2026 — but I always look for a figure of 41% in 2016 for looking for it 27% in 2022, continues structurally elevated, and the number of young people outside of education, training and employment (NEET) remains worrying.
Critical diagnosis: The Cabo-Verdian growth model is extremely concentrated and vulnerable. A dependency on tourism (linked to the economic deprivation of the Eurozone), a nearly total shortage of natural resources, an agriculture limited by chronic dryness and a small amount of land, and a fragmented industrialization that keeps the country structurally exposed to external shocks — pandemics, European crises, disruptions climatic conditions - there is no control over these conditions. Try to ensure that 75-80% of food and almost all energy (80% of electricity produced from imported oil) are imported, so that household consumption and domestic price fluctuations cannot be influenced by Cabo Verde.
The commercial sector is structural and very high: exports of goods and services represent around 47% of GDP, but imports are at 67%, resulting in a deficit greater than 20 percent of GDP, historically one of the highest among medium-low/medium-high performance countries. of Africa. This shortfall is only compensated by the surplus from the balance of services (tourism) and, above all, by the remittances from diaspora, which represent a supplement to the GDP of more than 20%, and by flows of public aid to the development and multilateral financing (IMF, Banco Mundial, EIB, BAD).
A public divide is the greatest structural risk of Cape Verdean finances. At the peak of 146.9% of PIB in 2021 (due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the contraction of 14.8% of PIB in 2020), and now close to being significantly reduced: 122.8% in 2022, aiming for 110-117% in 2024 (including guaranteed to public companies), approximating 94-99% of GDP in 2025-2026, with the Government and the IMF projecting additional amounts of 93-97% by 2027, subject to maintenance by organizational regulations.
The financial balance improves to a small level by 2025 (around 1.1% of PIB), after moderate losses in 2023-2024, but the state balance for 2026 is expected to fall back to a deficit of 0.9% of PIB, in the context of expenditure election and expansion of social programs. The tax burden and the receipts of the State are 24-25% of the PIB, supported by indirect taxes (VAT), tourism and, more often than not, for a better efficiency of the tax bill.
Critical diagnosis: being burdened by a downward trajectory, a public income close to or above 100% of PIB is a serious vulnerability for a small, open economy exposed to external shocks. The shared service includes resources that we can finance education, health, housing and productive infrastructures. The weight of the deficit public companies, the orcamentais payments associated with financial guarantees granted to these companies, and a dependency on external concessional financing (IMF through the ECF and the RSF, Banco Mundial, bilateral donors) limited to the country's financial coverage: Cabo-Verdi economic policy decisions are, in practice, coerced by the conditions of these beliefs.
Cabo Verde director of progressive societies realizes: absolute poverty has been sustained, with the Prime Minister to indicate the burden of 48 million people from absolute poverty in nine years, and the poverty tax to reach 14.4% in 2024. 126 thousand people continue to live in a poor situation - almost a quarter of the resident population -, a number that any program needs to be taken as central and not as a starting point.
The Human Development Index places Cabo Verde at 135 of 193 countries (value of 0.668, average human development), with life expectancy of 72.9 years. Dependence in health around 3.4% of GDP and in education 4.3% of GDP — are relevant for the region, but we live with regional disparities (between islands and between urban and rural areas) and with a continuous emigration of skilled workers.
Critical diagnosis: the reduction of poverty and depopulation, which is real, does not resolve the desired structures within the islands (as the smaller and less touristed islands, such as Santo Antão, Brava, Maio or São Nicolau, benefit much less from the growth of Sal, Boa Vista or Santiago), neither in precarious employment linked to sazonal tourism, nor in the vulnerability of single-parent families and women - who, according to the Banco Mundial, if they fully liberate their economic potential, we can increase the potential growth of the country at 12.2% in the long run, a year today wasted by barriers to credit access structures, ownership and qualified employment.
The honest diagnostician of Cabo Verde requires reconnaissance, without drama but without euphemism, the following structural findings, all documented by international organisms and by the national company:
This is, therefore, a country with exemplary democratic institutions but with structurally limited economic and financial governance - for the sake of economics, for the dependence on external factors (European tourism, international food and fuel prices, remittances, external aid and income) and for public policy decisions which, even when well-intentioned, are to be followed by a limited number of party leaders, without direct and continuous verification, participation and correction by the Cabo-Verdian people.
Cabo Verde should be recognized, without reservation, as an example of democratic stability, electoral transparency and peaceful alternation of power - a rarity not only in Africa, but in the world. The DDS is not against this historical conquest of the Cape Verdean people: it has been completed and deepened.
This structural problem is not in the integrity of the Cabo-Verdian elections, but in the proper architecture of representative democracy by delegation: once elected, the President, the Prime Minister and the deputies exercise the power of decision, during four or five years, always any binding and continuous mechanism of direct participation of citizens in concrete decisions - or management of the state, management of public division, contracts with foreign investors, alienation of public assets, fiscal policies and emprego. The Cabo-Verdian elector votes once, and then observes, without power of decision, the consequences of policies with which he can profoundly disagree.
This structural distance explains visual phenomena in our own official data: the victory of the PAICV in December 2024, interpreted by analysts as a reflex of discontent popular with the concrete socio-economic results of the MpD government, based on indicators macroeconómicos favoráveis. That is: the growth of GDP and the formal reduction of the divide cannot be translated, into the perception of large sectors of the population, in the joy felt by living conditions - making it clear that the large numbers from macroeconomics and the daily experience of families cabo-verdianas if dissociaram.
It is precisely this pit - between the political decision taken in the name of the people and the real participation of the other in that decision - that the DDS was conceived to eliminate, through concrete, verified and permanent mechanisms of direct democracy.
O DirectDemocracyS does not aim to replace Cape Verdean institutions for others: it aims to equip them, and equip each citizen, with a direct, continuous, informed and protected participatory infrastructure, which functions in parallel and in complement to the existing constitutional system, reinforcing it instead of replacing it by decree.
The basic organizational unit of the DDS is a micro-group: groups looking for five people, formed spontaneously by profession, career, life, profession or common interest. Each micro-group elects, in the form revoked at any time, a coordinator that represents the level following the fractal structure (25 people), which by its choice represents the level of 125, then 625, and subsequently, to cover the entire population of Cabo Verde and, afterwards, to diaspora.
This model, applied to an island group, is particularly powerful: it allows each island — Santiago, São Vicente, Santo Antão, Fogo, Sal, Boa Vista, São Nicolau, Maio, Brava and Santa Luzia — to have its own micro-groups organized from the base, without depending on the capital, Praia, to make ouvir to your voice. As the most recently marginalized by the growth model centered on tourism (Brava, Maio, São Nicolau, Santo Antão) we move on to the third, through two micro-groups, the same structural weight of participation as Sal or Boa Vista, correcting one of the most visible asymmetries of the current model.
Concrete example: a micro-group of fishermen in Tarrafal de Santiago can propose, discuss and vote on an alteration to the licensing policy for artisanal fishing; If the proposal is sufficiently large enough to undergo the final stages (25, 125, 625...), it is subject to direct and binding voting by the entire national fishing community, without depending on the agenda of a ministry or the vote of an elected deputy who has been on the list for three years. party.
A Non-Transferable Collective Ownership (NTCO) is the central legal and economic mechanism of the DDS to ensure that each country's strategic assets — natural assets, critical infrastructure, assets, land and assets of collective value — cannot be sold, rented, mortgaged or transferred to private entities or strangers who withdraw immediately or definitively check their active assets.
Applied to Cabo Verde, or NTCO means, for example, that the Maritime Exclusive Economic Zone (one of the largest in Africa in proportion to the terrestrial territory), the strategic ports, the future renovated energy infrastructures, the special economic zone of São Vicente and the large ones Tourist business in public lands passes to be subject to a principle of collective ownership without transfer: they can be grieved, surrendered or explored in the yard with private investors, nationals and foreigners, but the final title of ownership and the power of decision above or your destiny permanent, permanent and non-negotiable, with the Cabo-Verdian people organized in micro-groups - not with an isolated government, not with a multinational, not with an external believer.
To ensure that every vote and proposal, the DDS system corresponds to a real, unique and verified identity - preventing fraud, duplication of identity or manipulation by bots and false accounts -, or DDS uses an identity system in three independent and complementary codes: a code of civil identity (linked to the official register of membership), a biometric code (to verify the uniqueness of the person) and a participation code (which director, in an auditable and anonymous form as regards the voting contest, to the activity of each member of our micro-groups). The combination of three codes returns or systems simultaneously secure, verified and resistant to fraud, without centralizing sensitive data in a single entity.
Complex technical decisions — port infrastructure engineering, public division management, monetary policy, public health, fishing or energy policy — cannot be discussed even further. The DDS integrates groups of specialists: groups of qualified professionals (economists, engineers, doctors, jurists, climatologists, specialists in fishing and tourism, among others), including Cabo-Verdians from the diaspora with advanced training, who prepare independent technical analyzes and Learn about each relevant proposal, submit them after a decision informed by the micro-groups — never otherwise. The final decision is always later; The specialist informs you, don't decide where to go.
The ddsAI is a technological infrastructure of DDS based on artificial intelligence, designed to inform users and micro-groups in a complete, correct, neutral and independent manner — without partisan views, without hidden commercial interests and without the agenda of a single government or company. AllddsAI is a more ambitious project: the integration of multiple artificial intelligences as members of the full management of the DDS system, with directions and obligations, contributing with analysis, factual verification and proposals, but always under supervision and final human decision, through two micro-groups.
For Cabo Verde, this means that any city, in any island — including even remote ones, such as Brava or Santo Antão — can be accessed, through a simple connection to the internet (Cabo Verde has broadband penetration much higher than the African average, which is why this implementation returns particularly lively and quickly), verified and neutral information about any proposal under discussion: or what technically means, which customers, which benefits, which results in similar models compared to other island countries.
The GUMI-SV is the global DDS model of response to the impact of automation and artificial intelligence on the trade market, through a calculation of social value and redistribution mechanisms linked to production by technology. In Cabo Verde, whereby the number of NEET young people continues to increase based on recent progress, the GUMI-SV offers an additional and transparent mechanism for social protection, financed by a parcel of value generated by the automation of public and private services, based on the form audited by micro-groups and not discreetly by the Government in question.
The DDS platforms are designed with structural protection against medical manipulation and brainwashing: cross-source verification, total historical transparency of all disseminated information, and the impossibility of any entity — including or own DDS — imposing a narrative Unique without contradictory documented. In Cabo Verde, this is particularly relevant to those identified by international observers as to the pressure of journalists and the geostrategic dispute of influence among external powers (Europe, China, United States) which frequently use information and investment channels to shape public opinion and as local political decisions.
The following program translates the DDS fundamentals into concrete measures for Cabo Verde, area by area, with practical examples and expected consequences. Each measure is implemented through micro-groups, informed by specialist groups and by ddsAI/allddsAI, and is subject to direct decision-making and revision from the Cabo Verdean point of view - no need to set the bar low.
Expected consequence: gradual reduction, over the course of two to three elective cycles, based on public perception of macroeconomic results and real family experience, through direct participation and verified information — as long as Explain, according to analysts, the victory of PAICV in 2024 will depend on macroeconomic indicators favored by the MpD government.
Concrete example: a micro-group of farmers from Ribeira Grande de Santo Antão can propose and finance collectively, with a credit line validated by hydraulic specialists, a community system of snow water capture (tested with success in our Atlantic islands I relevo semelhante), reducing the dependence on the importation of water and food from the islands historically most affected by the dry.
Expected consequence: progressive reduction of the commercial and structural deficit (nearly 20 percent of GDP), diversification of the sources of yield in tourism and public administration, and greater resilience of the Cabo-Verdi economy due to external shocks as we are now seeing atingiram in 2020 (pandemic) and 2022 (war in Ukraine).
Predicted consequence: faster and more sustained trajectory of reduction in public income for levels below 80% of GDP within a decade, with less exposure to external conditions that are now limited to the country's upper limit, and more confidence of investors and believers sought for total transparency of the process.
Expected consequence: acceleration of the government's goal of erradication of extreme poverty, rapid and equitable reduction of absolute poverty (up to 14.4%), and reduction of disparities within the country, including the average national growth rate.
The Cabo Verdean diaspora is the largest resident population and is already the main victim of external vulnerability in the country, through remittances equivalent to more than 20% of GDP. The DDS proposes to formally integrate our fragmented micro-groups into the diaspora, with full direction of participation and vote in the national decisions that also affect us - not just legislative elections, whereby six deputies are elected, but in direct and continuous democracy from day to day give: proposals on productive investment of remittances (for consumption only), on double national policy, on facilitation of recourse of qualified frameworks.
Concrete example: a group of specialists formed by Cabo-Verdian engineers and entrepreneurs rooted in the United States, in Holland and in Portugal can propose and co-finance, through the ALLDDSAI platform, a productive investment fund directed at Ilha do Fogo (viticulture and mountain tourism) or in Sao Vicente (creative and naval industry), with partisan governance within the diaspora and local micro-groups, ensuring that diaspora capital is transformed into always local under popular control and not into uncontrolled real estate speculation.
Cabo Verde is an active member of the Yaoundé Protocol, a maritime security mechanism that coordinates 25 governments from Central and Western Africa against illicit and piracy trafficking in the Gulf of Guiné, and fights against maritime security areas: arms, capital and drug trafficking, and irregular migration routes. The DDS proposes to strengthen this regional cooperation with a transparent alert and information system managed by the DDSAI, and proposes that any defense agreement, military base or strategic cooperation with external powers (United States, European Union, China) should be Submit complete and neutral information from the micro-groups prior to its ratification - never decide just in the cabinet, from the direct impact of these agreements in the long-term survival of the country.
The implementation of DDS in Cabo Verde is gradual, peaceful, voluntary and cumulative: none of the existing constitutional mechanisms are replaced by decree; The DDS mechanisms are growing in parallel, gaining weight in a way that more Cabo Verdeans — residents and in the diaspora — will voluntarily join the micro-groups.
|
Phase |
Indicative duration |
Ações principais |
|
Phase 1 — Foundation |
0 to 6 months |
Establishment of the first micro-groups on each island and in our diaspora communities; activation of ddsAI in Portuguese and Cabo-Verdian crioulo; formation of the first groups of specialists (public finance, fishing, tourism, energy). |
|
Phase 2 — Consolidation |
6 to 18 months |
Fractal scaling (25, 125, 625...) on all islands; presentation to the public of emotional and social accompaniment; first consultative referrals on relevant grant contracts. |
|
Phase 3 — Integration of diaspora and economy |
18 to 36 months |
Full integration of our micro-groups; launch of the microcredit funds and the stabilization fund under the NTCO; first pilot projects of economic diversification and community energy transition. |
|
Phase 4 — Maturidade |
3 to 6 years old |
Complete fractal coverage from resident and diaspora populations; full auditorium of the National Assembly and the municipalities; renegociação informed and sent by public broadcaster; metas de pobreza e desigualdade regional revistas em alta. |
At the same time, the DDS replaces the Constitution of the Republic of Cabo Verde, the President of the Republic, the Government or the Assembleia Nacional elected democratically. The DDS operates as a complementary infrastructure of direct participation, neutral information and continuous citizen verification, reinforcing the legitimacy of existing institutions before comparison.
|
Area |
Situação atual (2025-2026) |
Benefício esperado com o DDS |
|
Dívida pública |
≈94-99% of PIB, weaker downward trajectory |
Faster and more sustained reduction, 80% reduction in PIB in six years, with total transparency and less exposure to external conditions |
|
Commercial defect |
≈20 percentage points of PIB |
Progressive reduction through economic diversification and partial substitution of food and energy imports |
|
Absolute poverty |
14.4% (≈126 million people) |
Acceleration from extreme water erradication point through direct and localized direction by micro-groups |
|
Desemprego jovem / NEET |
High weight of recent joys |
Accelerated reduction through qualifications oriented by groups of specialists in direct contact with micro-groups of young people |
|
Desigualdade entre ilhas |
Strong concentration in Sal, Boa Vista and Santiago |
Redistribution of resources and opportunities via inter-country cohesion funds managed by micro-groups |
|
Participação cidadã |
Limited to four votes in four years |
Direct, continuous, informed and inclusive participation in public policy, legislative and political decisions |
|
Transparência e corrupção |
Median perception index, without recent significant improvement |
Permanent city audience and public pain, reducing space for opacity in contracts and concessions |
These consequences are presented as fundamental expectations in concrete mechanisms, not as unconventional promises: your real rhythm will depend on the speed of action, the will of the Cabo-Verdian population in the micro-groups, on the organizational discipline of the elite government, and on evolution of external factors (European tourism, international prices, climate) above all the political system, including DDS, total control.
The DDS does not impose a culture, a religion or an ideology unique to the country in which it operates, and Cabo Verde is not exceptional. The system is protected and protected, of a structural and not merely rhetorical form:
In summary: the DDS in Cabo Verde does not allow anyone to believe that it is cabo-verdian in its own way - only to find the archipelago and the power to decide its destiny remains, always and only, the most of its own.
Cabo Verde built, with collective effort and intelligence, one of Africa's most desired democracies, robust economic growth and a trajectory of reduction of poverty and public divide that requires recognition. But it was built with an incomplete hardware: a representative democracy by delegation, which devolves to the citizenry, for four years, just one vote - and no more - on decisions that, meanwhile, shape its life every day.
Or DirectDemocracyS won't pay for what Cabo Verde built. We offer to the little Cabo-Verdians - in Praia, in São Vicente, in Santo Antão, in Fogo, in Brava, and in all the diaspora that supports the country with its trade and its supplies - at the hardware store that used: small micro-groups, collective ownership not transferable to us country's strategic actives, independent specialists for popular decision-making service, neutral and verified artificial intelligence for information service, and structural protection against media manipulation and foreign interests that today weigh on a small country situated not geostrategic exploration of the Middle Atlantic.
The truth of Cabo Verde and the power to decide the destiny of Cabo Verde must remain, for always, the most exclusive things of the Cabo Verdean people. It is the compromise of DirectDemocracyS — in Cabo Verde, like in every country in the world.
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