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    Program for El Salvador

    El Salvador ZZ rectangle

    DirectDemocracyS

    Global System of Direct Democracy

    NATIONAL PROGRAM

    EL SALVADOR

    Critical Analysis, Proposals and Roadmap

    For a truly free, just, prosperous, and sovereign El Salvador

    2025-2026 Edition

    directdemocracys.org

    PRELIMINARY NOTE: WHO WE ARE AND WHY EL SALVADOR

    DirectDemocracyS (DDS) is a radically new global system of direct democracy, built on the basis of logic, common sense, rigorous study, verifiable reality, demonstrable truth, internal consistency, and mutual respect among all human beings, without exception.

    We are not a political party. We do not seek power for ourselves. Our mission is to return sovereign power to every people, in every country, permanently, irreversibly, and inviolably. The wealth of El Salvador belongs exclusively to the Salvadoran people. The power to decide the destiny of El Salvador belongs exclusively to Salvadoran citizens. This is a rule we apply in each and every country in the world, without exception or compromise.

    This program does not claim to be neutral in the face of injustice: we analyze reality as it is, we critique what deserves critique, and we propose concrete, verifiable, and applicable solutions. We do not make empty promises: each proposal is accompanied by implementation mechanisms, concrete examples, and anticipated consequences.

    We always respect and protect the traditions, cultures, Spanish language, and indigenous languages of El Salvador, religions, dissenting voices, and all minorities. Our strength lies in total inclusion and the exclusion of violence, manipulation, and lies.

     

    PART I: CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CURRENT SITUATION

    1.1 The Political System: Formal Democracy, Real Autocracy

    El Salvador is currently experiencing one of the most revealing paradoxes of contemporary politics: a democratically elected government that has systematically dismantled the institutions that make real democracy possible.

    Nayib Bukele assumed the presidency in 2019 and was re-elected in February 2024 with over 80% of the vote, in a process that was constitutionally challenged due to the explicit prohibition against immediate re-election, which remained in effect until his own party repealed it. In July 2025, the Legislative Assembly approved constitutional reforms to eliminate any limits on presidential re-election. The Nuevas Ideas party controls 54 of the 60 legislative seats, effectively preventing any parliamentary opposition.

    The government has co-opted the judiciary, controlling the courts. It has passed legislation that expands executive control over all state institutions. In May 2025, it enacted a Foreign Agents Law that allows it to monitor, sanction, and dissolve civil society organizations and independent media outlets that receive foreign funding.

    DIRECT CRITICISM: This model is not democracy. It is a system where the people elected someone who then closed the doors to genuine participation. A leader's popularity does not justify dismantling the rule of law. Repressive efficiency is not equivalent to justice. El Salvador needs not only effective leaders, but also institutions that function independently of who is in power.

    KEY DATA: DEMOCRATIC EROSION

    Constitutional reform of July 2025: limits on presidential re-election eliminated

    54 out of 60 legislative seats held by the ruling party

    Foreign Agents Law passed in May 2025: persecution of civil society

    Judicial power co-opted since 2021 through arbitrary dismissal of magistrates

    El Faro and other newsrooms forced into exile or closure since 2023-2025

    Amendment to Article 248 of the Constitution: reduced space for citizen deliberation

    1.2 Human Rights: The Hidden Price of Security

    The drastic reduction in gang violence is a real and significant fact. The homicide rate fell from 105 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2015 to a historic low in 2024. This achievement deserves honest recognition. However, the methods employed and the price paid by Salvadoran society require an equally honest evaluation.

    The state of emergency, in effect since March 2022 and extended 39 times consecutively, has suspended basic constitutional guarantees for more than three years. Under this regime, more than 86,000 people have been detained. National and international organizations have systematically documented mass arbitrary arrests, torture, enforced disappearances, deaths in state custody (between 189 and 200 documented cases), and extreme overcrowding, with a prison population exceeding 118,000 inmates—more than double the installed capacity.

    In 2025, the criminalization of human rights defenders intensified: anti-corruption lawyer Ruth López, environmental defender Alejandro Henríquez, and community leader José Ángel Pérez were arrested and held incommunicado. Constitutional lawyer Enrique Anaya was detained under circumstances described as enforced disappearance. Amnesty International declared three of these detainees prisoners of conscience.

    Between May and September 2025, at least 140 journalists and human rights defenders fled the country. APES documented 789 attacks on press freedom in 2024, a 154% increase compared to 2023. In September 2025, APES itself closed its offices due to pressure from the Foreign Agents Act.

    DIRECT CRITICISM: Security built on the systematic violation of fundamental rights is not security: it is oppression. Many of those detained have no gang affiliations. Arrests are frequently based on physical appearance, tattoos, or anonymous tips. A system that imprisons innocent people to create the appearance of control does not protect citizens: it makes them hostages of power.

    Indicator

    Worth

    Fountain

    Assessment

    Detainees under a state of emergency

    86,000+

    Government/HRW

    Criticism

    Documented deaths in custody

    189-200

    IACHR 2024

    Criticism

    Exiled journalists (May-Sep 2025)

    140+

    Amnesty International

    Criticism

    Attacks on press freedom 2024

    789 (+154%)

    APES

    Criticism

    Prison population

    118,000

    HRW 2026

    Criticism

    installed prison capacity

    ~50,000

    Estimate

    Insufficient

    Homicide rate 2015

    105/100,000 inhabitants

    Official

    Improved but...

    Homicide rate 2024

    1.8/100,000 inhabitants

    Official

    Restricted data

    1.3 Economy: Insufficient Growth, Structural Dependence and Growing Debt

    The Salvadoran economy grew by 2.6% in 2024, the lowest growth rate in Central America. President Bukele has promised growth exceeding 4% by 2025, a figure that contrasts sharply with estimates from the World Bank (2.5%) and the Central Reserve Bank (between 2.5% and 3%). Regardless of the final result, El Salvador has lagged behind other countries in regional growth for years.

    The dependence on remittances is structurally dangerous: they represent 24% of GDP and are the country's main source of foreign exchange, surpassing exports, foreign investment, and tourism. In the first half of 2025, $4.837 billion in remittances entered the country. This wealth was not generated within the country; it was produced by Salvadorans who had to emigrate because the country did not offer them opportunities.

    Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is dramatically low: barely 2.61% of GDP, compared to 9.11% in 2007. In 2024, El Salvador had the lowest FDI in all of Central America. The adoption of Bitcoin as legal tender in 2021 has generated fiscal risks without the promised economic benefits: the IMF has repeatedly warned about the volatility and instability it creates for public finances.

    Public debt reached $32.107 billion in 2024, 8.4% higher than in 2023. The country will face debt maturities of more than $2.035 billion in 2027. The percentage of the population living below the poverty line increased from 22.8% to 27.2% between the beginning of Bukele's administration and 2023. Extreme poverty affects 9.6% of the population and has increased for the third consecutive year. 21.5% of young people aged 15 to 24 are neither working nor studying.

    DIRECT CRITICISM: An economic model that relies a quarter on its own citizens working abroad is a structural failure, not an achievement. Eliminating income tax on international investments hasn't attracted investment; it has simply reduced tax revenue. Bitcoin isn't economic policy; it's a speculative gamble with public funds.

    POSITIVE ECONOMIC REALITIES

    Significant reduction in violence opens up tourism potential

    Tourism growth due to improved perceived safety

    Agreement with the IMF that provides some financial stability

    Record remittances: $4.837 billion USD in the first half of 2025 (+18%)

    Infrastructure under development: airport free trade zone

    Sovereign bonds improved after 2024

    SERIOUS STRUCTURAL PROBLEMS

    GDP per capita among the lowest in Central America

    Lower FDI in Central America in 2024 (2.61% of GDP)

    Public debt: USD 32,107 million (+8.4% in 2024)

    Poverty increased: from 22.8% to 27.2% (2019-2023)

    Extreme poverty at 9.6% (third consecutive year of increase)

    Dependence on remittances 24% of GDP: brain drain

    1.4 Social Situation: Exclusion, Education and Rights

    Salvadoran education faces unacceptable gaps in the 21st century. The average years of schooling are a mere 7.3, with stark differences between rural (5.6 years) and urban (8.3 years) areas. 28% of those over 60 are illiterate. In the first half of 2025, 44 public schools closed, and enrollment decreased by 25,000 students. School dropout rates are rising, particularly in rural areas.

    Salvadoran women face some of the most restrictive reproductive rights legislation in the world: abortion is criminalized under all circumstances, including rape, incest, and when the mother's life is at risk, with penalties of up to 50 years in prison. As of the end of 2025, at least six women were facing criminal charges under these laws.

    Approximately 11,000 farming families have been affected by forced evictions linked to large-scale tourism, urban development, or mining projects. This already vulnerable population loses land, food security, and livelihoods. Mining and extractive tourism benefit external operators, not local communities.

    The migration crisis has deep economic and social roots: El Salvador is one of the largest sources of migrants in the region in proportion to its population. Mass emigration deprives the country of its most active and entrepreneurial human capital, perpetuating the cycle of dependency.

    1.5 Environment and Natural Resources

    El Salvador is the most densely populated country in Latin America and one of the most vulnerable to climate change. It faces chronic deforestation, soil degradation, water scarcity, and seismic and volcanic risks. The expansion of metallic mining, favored by the current government, threatens watersheds that are vital to the drinking water supply of millions of Salvadorans.

    The lack of coherent environmental policies and the absence of genuine citizen participation in decisions regarding natural resources make the extractive model a direct threat to food sovereignty and the well-being of rural communities. Forced evictions linked to tourism infrastructure projects destroy not only homes, but also local ecosystems.

     

    PART II: DIRECT DEMOCRACYS — FOUNDATIONS AND SYSTEM

    Before presenting the specific program for El Salvador, we explain precisely what DirectDemocracyS is, how it works, and why it represents the only real alternative to the vicious cycle between oligarchy, authoritarian populism, and foreign dependence.

    2.1 What is DirectDemocracyS

    DirectDemocracyS (DDS) is a global system of political organization based on authentic direct democracy: citizens not only elect representatives every four or five years, but actively, continuously, immediately and verifiably participate in all decisions that affect their lives, from the local to the national level.

    DDS is not a political party seeking power. It is a platform for citizen empowerment that builds, from the ground up, a new form of governance where power can never be captured, concentrated, or corrupted by a person, group, or ideology. Once the people have real power, it cannot be taken away.

    DDS operates under principles that are non-negotiable and that are applied identically in all countries of the world: the wealth of each nation belongs exclusively to its people, and the power to decide on the national destiny belongs exclusively to its citizens, forever.

    THE FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF DDS

    1. TOTAL SOVEREIGNTY: All wealth and all decision-making power belong exclusively to the people.

    2. CONTINUOUS DIRECT DEMOCRACY: Not just voting, but actively participating in every decision.

    3. MERIT AND COMPETENCE: Representatives are chosen and evaluated based on their actual abilities.

    4. ABSOLUTE TRANSPARENCY: All decisions, expenses, and information are public and verifiable.

    5. NON-VIOLENCE: Change is achieved peacefully, intelligently, and in an orderly manner.

    6. PROTECTION OF MINORITIES: Cultures, languages, traditions and minorities are protected.

    7. IRREVERSIBILITY: Once the people have real power, no one can take it away from them.

    8. LOCAL GLOBALITY: A universal system that respects the national identity of each people.

    2.2 Micro-Groups: The Architecture of Real Democracy

    The operational heart of DDS is the micro-group system, a fractal structure that allows direct democracy to function on a massive scale without losing genuine individual participation.

    Each base micro-group consists of five adult citizens who know each other personally, live or work in the same area, and decide to participate. These five groups form a level 2 group (25 people). Five level 2 groups form a level 3 group (125 people). Five level 3 groups form a level 4 group (625 people). And so on, in a fractal and scalable manner up to the national level.

    This architecture guarantees that every citizen has a real, direct, and verifiable voice. No one can be ignored because the decision-making system flows from the bottom up, not the other way around. Representatives at the highest levels are binding mandates: they are obligated to express the will of their constituents, can be recalled at any time, and are held continuously and verifiably accountable.

    Level

    Composition

    Function

    Scope

    Micro-group base

    5 citizens

    Direct deliberation and voting

    Neighborhood / community

    Level 2

    25 citizens (5 groups)

    Local coordination

    Colony / area

    Level 3

    125 citizens

    Municipal decisions

    Municipality

    Level 4

    625 citizens

    Regional decisions

    Department

    Level 5+

    3,125+ citizens

    National decisions

    National

    2.3 ddsAI and allddsAI: Artificial Intelligence at the Service of the People

    DirectDemocracyS integrates artificial intelligence technology (ddsAI) and AI democracy (allddsAI) not to replace human judgment, but to ensure that every citizen has access to complete, accurate, neutral, and independent information before making any decision.

    ddsAI provides each micro-group and individual citizen with detailed analyses of any proposal or decision: what the experts say, the documented risks and benefits, what other countries have done in similar situations, and the anticipated short-, medium-, and long-term consequences. The information is presented in a balanced way, without ideological manipulation or a political agenda.

    allddsAI is a system where multiple instances of artificial intelligence deliberate with each other, producing pluralistic analyses that ensure no particular bias dominates the information available to citizens. This system operates on DDS's secure platforms, protected against external manipulation, media brainwashing, and disinformation.

    In El Salvador, this means that a farmer in Morazán, a teacher in San Salvador, a single mother in Sonsonate, or a young person from the coastal region will have exactly the same access to quality information to make decisions about their community and their country. Information inequality is one of the foundations of oligarchic power: DDS eliminates it.

    2.4 The Three-Code Identity System

    Participation in DDS is protected by a three-code identity system that guarantees that each vote and each participation is authentic, verifiable, not duplicated and at the same time anonymous in its content: the citizen knows that his vote was counted, but nobody can know how he voted if he does not want to.

    This system eliminates electoral fraud, vote buying, voter pressure, and manipulation of results. In El Salvador, where institutional distrust is high and rooted in concrete historical experiences, this security system is fundamental for citizens to participate without fear and with real guarantees.

    2.5 NTCO, GUMI-SV and Imperative Mandate

    The New Office Holders (NOHWs) are the elected representatives within DDS. Unlike traditional politicians, NOHWs have no power of their own: they are imperative mandates, obligated to carry out the decisions made collectively by their constituents. If they fail to do so, they can be recalled immediately, without waiting for elections.

    The GUMI-SV (Single Monitoring and Intervention Group - El Salvador) is the internal DDS body responsible for verifying that representatives act according to their mandate, investigating allegations of corruption or misconduct, and ensuring that the system operates with integrity. GUMI is not a political police force: it is a transparency and accountability mechanism that all DDS members help to uphold.

    The imperative mandate means that no representative in a DDS can make decisions that contradict the will expressed by their constituents. There is no free vote that allows for betraying those represented. There are no secret 'negotiations' that divert the popular mandate. This eliminates the main source of corruption in representative systems: the autonomy of the elected official from their constituents.

     

    PART III: CONCRETE PROGRAM FOR EL SALVADOR

    DirectDemocracyS's program for El Salvador is not a catalog of promises: it is a set of concrete, coherent, funded proposals with verifiable implementation mechanisms. Each sector is addressed with the depth it deserves.

    3.1 Real Democratization of Political Power

    3.1.1 Diagnosis

    El Salvador has elections, but it lacks true democracy. Power is concentrated in the executive branch, the legislature is dominated by a single party, the judiciary has been co-opted, and civil society and independent media are actively persecuted. This situation is not accidental: it is the result of an institutional design that concentrates power instead of distributing it.

    3.1.2 DDS Proposal: Progressive Implementation of Direct Democracy

    PHASE 1 — CITIZEN ORGANIZATION (Months 1-12):

    • Formation of DDS base micro-groups in each of the 262 municipalities of El Salvador, starting with the largest municipalities (San Salvador, Santa Ana, San Miguel, Soyapango, Mejicanos).
    • Each micro-group of 5 people registers on the secure DDS platform with the three-code identity system.
    • Initial goal: 10,000 active micro-groups (50,000 participating citizens) in 12 months.
    • Free training for all participants on how the system works, rights and duties.

    PHASE 2 — CONSULTATION AND DELIBERATION (Months 6-24):

    • The micro-groups begin to deliberate on concrete proposals for local policy (municipal budgets, public works, social services).
    • ddsAI provides each group with independent analysis of each proposal: costs, benefits, international comparisons, risks.
    • The decisions of the groups are aggregated upwards through the fractal system, producing clear and verifiable mandates.

    PHASE 3 — REAL POWER (Months 18-48):

    • DDS presents NTCO candidates in municipal and national elections, bound by imperative mandate to the decisions of their micro-groups.
    • Where DDS achieves representation, the representatives act as verifiable executors of the citizens' will.
    • The immediate recall system guarantees that any betrayal of the mandate will be punished without waiting four years.

    CONCRETE EXAMPLE: In the municipality of Panchimalco (population 28,000), 200 micro-groups of 5 people each (1,000 active participants) deliberate on the annual municipal budget. ddsAI analyzes each line item, compares it with similar municipalities, and detects overpricing or deviations. Citizens vote directly on priorities. Mayor NTCO executes exactly what the mandate indicates, under penalty of immediate recall.

    EXPECTED CONSEQUENCES: Reduction of municipal corruption by 60-80% in municipalities where DDS has representation. Increase in productive public investment. Restoration of public trust in institutions. End to institutional capture by political elites.

    3.2 Economic Program: Sovereignty, Diversification and Real Prosperity

    3.2.1 In-depth Economic Diagnosis

    El Salvador has an economy that functions despite its political system, not because of it. The creativity, hard work, and resilience of the Salvadoran people generate wealth that is then captured by economic elites, drained abroad through poorly managed public debt, and partially offset by the sacrifices of the diaspora in the form of remittances.

    The structural problems are: dependence on remittances (24% of GDP), low agricultural productivity, a limited manufacturing sector, widespread informal employment, minimal access to credit for small businesses, and a financial system that serves large operators, not the real economy.

    3.2.2 DDS Economic Proposals

    A) MONETARY AND FINANCIAL SOVEREIGNTY:

    • Technical review of dollarization: El Salvador adopted the dollar as its currency in 2001, ceding monetary sovereignty. DDS proposes a transparent citizen evaluation of the alternatives, using all available information, decided by the people and not by technocrats or financial interests.
    • Abandoning Bitcoin as legal tender: Speculating on cryptocurrencies is not economic policy. The IMF and international markets are right on this point. Savings from volatility and risk should be reinvested in fiscal stability.
    • Creation of a Citizen Development Bank with mixed capital (state + cooperative + citizen), controlled through DDS mechanisms, that grants credit to small producers, cooperatives and micro-enterprises with accessible rates and without impossible requirements.

    CONCRETE EXAMPLE: A coffee producers' cooperative in Santa Ana, currently excluded from formal bank credit, accesses the Citizen Development Bank with an annual rate of 6% (compared to 18-24% informal), invests in processing and direct export, and multiplies its net income by 3 in 5 years.

    B) PRODUCTIVE TRANSFORMATION:

    • Industrialization of the agricultural sector: El Salvador produces coffee, sugarcane, corn, and beans, and has potential in cacao, tropical fruits, and organic products. DDS proposes processing cooperatives with technical and financial support so that El Salvador can export processed products, not raw materials.
    • Technological development: Creation of innovation centers in the three main cities, linked to strengthened public universities, to train engineers, programmers and technicians to serve the regional and global market.
    • Community and sustainable tourism: The natural, cultural and historical heritage of El Salvador (Route of Flowers, Lakes, Volcanoes, Pacific Coast, Mayan sites) can generate substantial income if tourism directly benefits local communities, not just external operators.
    • Blue economy: Sustainable fisheries development with artisanal fishing cooperatives, low-impact aquaculture, and export of value-added seafood products.

    C) FISCAL AND BUDGETARY REFORMS:

    • Progressive wealth tax: The 100 richest families in El Salvador own a disproportionate share of the nation's wealth. An annual tax of 1-2% on fortunes exceeding $10 million would generate between $200 and $400 million annually for education, health, and infrastructure.
    • Closing down domestic tax havens: Audit all tax exemption agreements granted since 2019, with full publication of beneficiaries, amounts, and justifications. Tax incentives that have not generated the promised jobs must be reversed.
    • Citizen-led budget management: Through the DDS and ddsAI micro-groups, every line item in the national budget is analyzed, debated, and approved by citizens, not just technocrats. This eliminates superfluous spending, unnecessary projects, and corruption in public procurement.
    • Progressive debt reduction: 10-year plan to reduce public debt to 40% of GDP, through real economic growth, selective austerity (eliminating elite privileges, not social services) and renegotiation with sovereign conditions.

    EXPECTED CONSEQUENCES (5-10 years): Sustained annual GDP growth of 4-6%. Poverty reduction from 27% to 12-15%. Increase in formal employment to 70% of the workforce. Diversification of exports. Gradual reduction in dependence on remittances. Real foreign investment attracted by institutional stability and a robust domestic market.

    3.3 Social Program: Dignity, Inclusion and Real Opportunities

    3.3.1 Education: From Exclusion to Potential

    DDS proposes to radically and verifiably transform the Salvadoran education system:

    • Free, quality public education from early childhood to university: Investment of 8% of GDP in education (compared to the current ~4%), financed by progressive tax reform.
    • Elimination of the rural-urban gap: Rural schools with infrastructure equivalent to urban schools, teachers with decent salaries and continuous training, guaranteed digital connectivity in all schools.
    • Technical and technological education: Technical training institutes in each department, aligned with the needs of the regional and national production market.
    • Strengthened public university: Public universities receive sufficient funding for research applied to national development.
    • Use of ddsAI in education: Students have access to AI digital tutors that complement human teaching, personalize learning, and detect difficulties early.

    CONCRETE EXAMPLE: A school in Morazán that today has 15 students per teacher, deteriorated textbooks and no internet connection, in 3 years has 25 students per teacher, updated digital materials, broadband connection, and access to educational ddsAI that allows each student to advance at their own pace with personalized support.

    3.3.2 Health: A Universal Right, Not a Privilege

    • Universal and quality public health system: Investment of 6% of GDP in health, with modernized regional hospitals, community health centers in each municipality, and rural medical brigades.
    • Free essential medicines: State production of generic medicines and collective purchasing agreements to reduce costs as much as possible.
    • Mental health: National mental health program with psychologists and social workers in all communities, addressing the aftereffects of trauma from violence and forced migration.
    • Reproductive health: Guaranteed access to scientific sex education, contraception and quality obstetric care for all women.

    3.3.3 Women's Rights

    • Decriminalization of abortion in cases of rape, incest, fetal malformation incompatible with life, and risk to the mother's life. This is a position based on fundamental human rights, not ideology.
    • System of protection against gender violence with shelters, legal and psychological support, and rapid response mechanisms.
    • Gender parity in all DDS instances: Equal participation is not a quota, it is an organizational principle.

    3.3.4 Youth and Employment

    • National first job program: Companies that hire young people aged 18-25 for the first time receive tax relief proportional to the salary paid, for 24 months.
    • Youth entrepreneurship: Soft credit fund for productive projects of young people under 30 years of age, with free technical mentoring.
    • Sports, culture and art: Investment in sports and cultural infrastructure as tools for social cohesion, especially in high-risk areas.

    3.4 Security and the Rule of Law: The Alternative to the Repressive Model

    The reduction in violence in El Salvador is real and must be preserved. But the methods must change. DDS proposes a security model that protects all citizens, including those currently victimized by the justice system itself.

    3.4.1 End of the State of Emergency

    • Immediate termination of the state of emergency and restoration of all suspended constitutional guarantees.
    • Urgent review of all cases of detention under the exceptional regime: release of all detainees without credible evidence and with a fair judicial process for those with verifiable charges.
    • Creation of a Truth and Reparation Commission, independent of the executive branch and supervised by DDS through micro-groups, to investigate deaths in custody, forced disappearances and documented torture.

    3.4.2 Reform of the Justice System

    • Independent judiciary: Selection process for judges based on verifiable merit, without executive influence, with citizen participation through DDS.
    • Independent prosecutor: The attorney general cannot be removed by the president without a legal process verified before the public.
    • Robust public defense: Every person arrested has the right to a competent public defender from the moment of arrest.

    3.4.3 Preventive and Community Security

    • Massive investment in social development in areas historically affected by violence: education, employment, mental health, sports, culture.
    • Community policing: Law enforcement agencies are directly supervised by local community policing groups (DDS) in their areas of operation. Citizens evaluate, monitor, and can report abuses with real guarantees.
    • Real rehabilitation: The prison system is transformed from a warehouse for people to a rehabilitation and reintegration center, with educational, psychological and work programs.

    EXPECTED CONSEQUENCES: Maintenance of public safety without violating fundamental rights. Reduction of recidivism by 40-50% through rehabilitation programs. Restoration of public trust in security and justice institutions. Elimination of arbitrary and unjust arrests.

    3.5 Environment and Sovereignty over Natural Resources

    • Prohibition of open-pit metallic mining in areas of high water vulnerability, with prior, free and informed consultation with the affected communities.
    • National Reforestation Plan: 50 million native trees in 10 years, with the participation of rural communities paid for the environmental service.
    • Community water management: Water basins are declared national public goods, managed in a participatory manner with the DDS micro-groups of each area.
    • Energy transition: 15-year plan for El Salvador to obtain 80% of its energy from renewable sources (solar, geothermal, wind), taking advantage of its unique natural conditions.
    • End forced evictions: No farming family can be evicted without due process and dignified housing alternatives. Megaprojects must benefit local communities, not displace them.

     

    PART IV: IMPLEMENTATION ROADMAP

    DirectDemocracyS operates peacefully, legally, intelligently, and transparently. We don't ask anyone to blindly trust us; we ask the Salvadoran people to evaluate us based on our real, verifiable, and continuous results.

    4.1 Strategy for El Salvador: A Country Under Concentration of Power

    El Salvador is not a one-party dictatorship like Cuba or Venezuela, but neither is it a functioning democracy. It is a hybrid authoritarian system with an electoral facade. This determines our strategy.

    In El Salvador, DDS works primarily within civil society, municipalities, and communities, building real citizen power from the ground up before participating in the national electoral arena. Our micro-groups are legal structures for citizen organization. Our digital platform operates with the highest security guarantees. Our members act in the public sphere with complete transparency.

    We do not confront the current government with violence or provocation: we give the people the tools to be sovereign so that no government can ignore or silence them.

    4.2 Implementation Phases

    Phase

    Period

    Key Objectives

    Success Indicators

    1. Roots

    Months 1-12

    10,000 active micro-groups. Presence in 262 municipalities. Training of local facilitators.

    Number of registered groups Geographic coverage Female participation >50%

    2. Voice

    Months 12-24

    Initial citizen deliberations; verified local proposals; monitoring of municipal budgets

    Proposals submitted Percentage implemented Savings due to anti-corruption

    3. Local Power

    Years 2-3

    NTCO candidates in municipal elections. Network of 50,000+ active participants. First DDS municipal victories.

    Mayors/councilors elected NTCO Budget execution verified Citizen satisfaction

    4. Transformation

    Years 3-6

    National candidates linked to the DDS mandate with parliamentary representation. Strengthened institutions.

    Laws passed by citizen mandate; Measurable reduction in corruption; Improved social indicators

    5. Consolidation

    Years 6-10

    DDS fully operational system Transition to full direct democracy El Salvador regional model

    Citizen participation >50% Improved development indicators International recognition

    4.3 DDS Tools in El Salvador

    Secure Digital Platform

    The DDS platform operates on its own servers, with military-grade encryption, and is independent of commercial social networks subject to algorithmic manipulation or political censorship. It also functions in a low-connectivity mode for rural communities.

    Facilitators Network

    In each department of El Salvador, DDS forms and supports a network of local facilitators who help organize micro-groups, explain how the system works, answer questions, and ensure that no one is excluded for technological, educational, or cultural reasons.

    Multilingualism

    The program operates in Spanish and in the indigenous languages of El Salvador: Nahuatl (Pipil/Nawat), and other languages of the country's indigenous communities. Linguistic inclusion is not optional: it is a principle.

    Participant Protection

    In the current context of persecution of civil society, DDS guarantees security protocols for its members: anonymous participation when necessary, documentation of any persecution, legal support, and an international solidarity network.

     

    PART V: ANTICIPATED CONSEQUENCES AND EVALUATION COMMITMENT

    5.1 5-10 year projections with DDS in El Salvador

    Indicator

    Current Situation (2025)

    5-year projection

    10-year projection

    GDP growth

    2.6% (2024)

    4-5% sustained

    5-7% sustained

    Poverty rate

    27.2%

    18-20%

    10-12%

    Extreme poverty

    9.6%

    5-6%

    23%

    Youth unemployment (15-24)

    21.5% NEET

    12-14%

    6-8%

    FDI (% GDP)

    2.61%

    4-5%

    6-8%

    Average schooling

    7.3 years

    9 years

    11 years old

    Corruption Index (Perception)

    Low

    Moderate

    High

    Institutional trust

    Very low

    Moderate

    High

    Dependence on remittances (% of GDP)

    24%

    18%

    12%

    5.2 Transparency and Evaluation Commitments

    DDS does not make promises it cannot verify. Everything it proposes is subject to continuous, public, and participatory evaluation. If a proposal doesn't work, citizens organized in micro-groups have the authority and the mechanisms to change it.

    • Semi-annual publication of progress indicators verified by independent organizations.
    • The right of any citizen to request information about any decision, expenditure, or outcome.
    • Participatory annual evaluation of the program: the micro-groups themselves evaluate what works and what needs to change.
    • Ongoing international comparisons: ddsAI continuously updates data on similar experiences in other countries.
    • Immediate revocation of any NTCO representative who fails to fulfill their mandate, without needing to wait for elections.

    FUNDAMENTAL GUARANTEE: If DirectDemocracyS were to make a mistake, the system has mechanisms to correct itself from within, because real power lies with the people, not the leaders. This is the fundamental difference between DDS and any other political system.

     

    CONCLUSION: THE CHOICE FACING EL SALVADOR

    El Salvador faces three possible paths:

    PATH 1: Continue with the current model. An executive branch that concentrates power, reduces civil liberties, manages security and international image with some efficiency, but fails to resolve the structural problems of poverty, dependency, and exclusion. This model has clear limitations, as demonstrated by economic stagnation and the deterioration of human rights.

    PATH 2: A change within the traditional system. New parties, new leaders, the same system. The history of El Salvador, like that of most countries in the world, demonstrates that changing the face of power without changing the architecture of power produces the same results in the long run.

    PATH 3: DirectDemocracyS. A system where power permanently belongs to the Salvadoran people, where El Salvador's wealth stays in El Salvador, where every citizen has a real and verifiable voice in the decisions that affect their life, where no leader can concentrate power because the system structurally does not allow it.

    We're not asking for blind faith. We're asking the Salvadoran people to try the system in their communities, in their municipalities, with their neighbors. Real democracy begins with five people who decide to organize themselves differently. With logic. With common sense. With an understanding of reality. With truth. With coherence. With mutual respect.

    The future of El Salvador belongs to Salvadorans. DirectDemocracyS gives them back the tools to build it.

    DirectDemocracyS

    Power to the people. Forever.

    directdemocracys.org

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